Since the transition of political power last year, Taiwan's political scene has been continuously stormy and it has taken considerable effort for the government to demonstrate its determination to improve the economy and change its China policy.
Now that it has done so, the government must not backtrack on its promises during the year-end election campaign. Instead, it should end antagonism between parties and the public's indifference toward and alienation from politics. Therefore, the KMT's suggestion to convene cross-party negotiations is worth considering.
Under Taiwan's constitutional system, the executive branch has long directed policy-making, while the legislative branch has been limited to supervising policy-making by enacting laws and monitoring budgets.
Under the rule of a minority government, however, the opposition parties have taken advantage of their majority stance in the legislature and attempted to continue to implement the policies they made when they were in power, while the ruling party has failed to back new policies in the legislature. As a result, the clashes between parties have turned into conflicts between the executive and legislative branches, which have in turn created constitutional crises.
Reconciliation is certainly the answer. The word is no longer a new one in Taiwan's political arena. The DPP once brought up the idea of a "great reconcilia-tion" between parties in conflict over the issue of national identity. Now since the government does not oppose the Economic Devel-opment Advisory Conference's consensus on relaxing the "no haste, be patient" policy, it should be easier for the parties to be reconciled.
But reconciliation does not mean that each party should completely abandon its original stance. Instead, it is aimed at providing parties with a common ground for dialogue. Although reconciliation per se cannot resolve the current conflict between parties, establishing channels for dialogue is nevertheless the most urgent step.
Reconciliation between the opposition and the ruling party is certainly not empty talk. If a cross-party negotiation meeting fails to be convened, we can try to use the legislature or the National Unification Council as channels for talks.
Although the public does not have warm feelings toward the Legislative Yuan, the legislature can directly influence policy-making by supervising the executive branch. Thus, it can offer a dialogue mechanism for all parties, and can use the cross-party negotiation mechanism as a medium to establish communication between the executive and legislative powers. In addition, the legislature can break the deadlock created by China's refusal to work with the DPP and it can highlight the fact that the real troublemaker behind the cross-strait impasse is China, not Taiwan.
The second method is to push for the re-convention of the National Unification Council. Once the council or other similar conferences are convened, the opposition can no longer avoid entering dialogue. If "the President's Advisory Group on Cross-strait Relations" can be combined to give a larger variety of opinions, the group can then really transcend party lines.
Furthermore, the opposition parties should acknowledge the DPP's efforts to move closer toward the "one China" principle. The DPP has taken a giant step from the party's "1999 resolution regarding Taiwan's future" (
Since the DPP has tried to open the door for cross-party dialogue, the opposition should not require the ruling party to comply with its position in the manner that China does. As for cross-strait relations, the parties have reached a consensus that any change to the status quo should respect the public's will. Unification should not be made the only choice if the unification council is reconvened. As the ruling party has repeatedly expressed its good will, the opposition should respond properly, instead of turning a cold shoulder to the DPP's goodwill.
In Taiwan's diversified society with a multi-party system in the making, an over-dependence on the principle of majority rules will only fan the flames of conflict. To reach consensus, the political elite need the virtues of respect and tolerance.
The public has voiced dissatisfaction with the bitter political situation. It is extremely urgent that the ruling and opposition parties reconcile with each other before the year-end elections.
Wang To is a DPP legislator
Translated by Jackie Lin
Recently, China launched another diplomatic offensive against Taiwan, improperly linking its “one China principle” with UN General Assembly Resolution 2758 to constrain Taiwan’s diplomatic space. After Taiwan’s presidential election on Jan. 13, China persuaded Nauru to sever diplomatic ties with Taiwan. Nauru cited Resolution 2758 in its declaration of the diplomatic break. Subsequently, during the WHO Executive Board meeting that month, Beijing rallied countries including Venezuela, Zimbabwe, Belarus, Egypt, Nicaragua, Sri Lanka, Laos, Russia, Syria and Pakistan to reiterate the “one China principle” in their statements, and assert that “Resolution 2758 has settled the status of Taiwan” to hinder Taiwan’s
Can US dialogue and cooperation with the communist dictatorship in Beijing help avert a Taiwan Strait crisis? Or is US President Joe Biden playing into Chinese President Xi Jinping’s (習近平) hands? With America preoccupied with the wars in Europe and the Middle East, Biden is seeking better relations with Xi’s regime. The goal is to responsibly manage US-China competition and prevent unintended conflict, thereby hoping to create greater space for the two countries to work together in areas where their interests align. The existing wars have already stretched US military resources thin, and the last thing Biden wants is yet another war.
As Maldivian President Mohamed Muizzu’s party won by a landslide in Sunday’s parliamentary election, it is a good time to take another look at recent developments in the Maldivian foreign policy. While Muizzu has been promoting his “Maldives First” policy, the agenda seems to have lost sight of a number of factors. Contemporary Maldivian policy serves as a stark illustration of how a blend of missteps in public posturing, populist agendas and inattentive leadership can lead to diplomatic setbacks and damage a country’s long-term foreign policy priorities. Over the past few months, Maldivian foreign policy has entangled itself in playing
A group of Chinese Nationalist Party (KMT) lawmakers led by the party’s legislative caucus whip Fu Kun-chi (?) are to visit Beijing for four days this week, but some have questioned the timing and purpose of the visit, which demonstrates the KMT caucus’ increasing arrogance. Fu on Wednesday last week confirmed that following an invitation by Beijing, he would lead a group of lawmakers to China from Thursday to Sunday to discuss tourism and agricultural exports, but he refused to say whether they would meet with Chinese officials. That the visit is taking place during the legislative session and in the aftermath