One year ago yesterday was the fateful night that changed Taiwan's political dynamics of forever -- the night Chen Shui-bian
Unable to change its "opposition party" mentality and outnumbered in the legislature, the DPP acts like a kid trying to run around in his mom or dad's shoes, but cries when he trips and falls. The epitome of this was the DPP's participation in the Feb. 24 anti-nuclear rally. Then there is the behavior of some ministry heads who lambast their own ministries as if they were opposition lawmakers -- such as Minister of Transportation and Communications Yeh Chu-lan (
However, the biggest mistake the DPP has made was to let its relations with its rivals become so polarized that the crisis over the Fourth Nuclear Power Plant
Opinion polls have repeatedly shown the DPP trailing behind the People First Party in popular support. One small consolation for the ruling party is that its nemesis has performed no better.
KMT Chairman Lien Chan
By toadying up to China and the PFP, the KMT has shed the last remnants of Lee Teng-hui's
Then there is the PFP. At first, we were baffled by its ability to lead in the polls. Has the PFP ever clearly proposed any important policy?
Then we realized that the PFP is a tabula rasa. Because it hasn't had to perform, people are still freely transferring their expectations onto it. The PFP is the kid who can't decide what he wants to be ... so he just throws a sheet over his head. The only difference is that there is a mug-shot of James Soong
As for the New Party, now that its arch-enemy, its raison d'etre -- Lee -- has retired, it seems to have lost the will to go on. With all the New Party heavy-weights defecting to PFP, the New Party is the outdated costume no one wants to wear anymore.
One year on, we see little reason to celebrate. We can only hope that by the time another year has passed, Taiwan's parties will have put away their childish fantasies -- and tantrums -- and learned to live and work in the adult world.
Recently, China launched another diplomatic offensive against Taiwan, improperly linking its “one China principle” with UN General Assembly Resolution 2758 to constrain Taiwan’s diplomatic space. After Taiwan’s presidential election on Jan. 13, China persuaded Nauru to sever diplomatic ties with Taiwan. Nauru cited Resolution 2758 in its declaration of the diplomatic break. Subsequently, during the WHO Executive Board meeting that month, Beijing rallied countries including Venezuela, Zimbabwe, Belarus, Egypt, Nicaragua, Sri Lanka, Laos, Russia, Syria and Pakistan to reiterate the “one China principle” in their statements, and assert that “Resolution 2758 has settled the status of Taiwan” to hinder Taiwan’s
Singaporean Prime Minister Lee Hsien Loong’s (李顯龍) decision to step down after 19 years and hand power to his deputy, Lawrence Wong (黃循財), on May 15 was expected — though, perhaps, not so soon. Most political analysts had been eyeing an end-of-year handover, to ensure more time for Wong to study and shadow the role, ahead of general elections that must be called by November next year. Wong — who is currently both deputy prime minister and minister of finance — would need a combination of fresh ideas, wisdom and experience as he writes the nation’s next chapter. The world that
Can US dialogue and cooperation with the communist dictatorship in Beijing help avert a Taiwan Strait crisis? Or is US President Joe Biden playing into Chinese President Xi Jinping’s (習近平) hands? With America preoccupied with the wars in Europe and the Middle East, Biden is seeking better relations with Xi’s regime. The goal is to responsibly manage US-China competition and prevent unintended conflict, thereby hoping to create greater space for the two countries to work together in areas where their interests align. The existing wars have already stretched US military resources thin, and the last thing Biden wants is yet another war.
As Maldivian President Mohamed Muizzu’s party won by a landslide in Sunday’s parliamentary election, it is a good time to take another look at recent developments in the Maldivian foreign policy. While Muizzu has been promoting his “Maldives First” policy, the agenda seems to have lost sight of a number of factors. Contemporary Maldivian policy serves as a stark illustration of how a blend of missteps in public posturing, populist agendas and inattentive leadership can lead to diplomatic setbacks and damage a country’s long-term foreign policy priorities. Over the past few months, Maldivian foreign policy has entangled itself in playing