Chen Shui-bian
Gambling and prostitution are very difficult social issues, catering as they do to psychological and biological urges. Attempts to suppress these businesses are rarely successful, but giving free rein to them can result in social problems. Prostitution in Taipei, for example, has been legalized and outlawed and legalized again, with no lasting solution. The same is true with lifting restrictions on gambling, which has long been a controversial issue in Taiwan, with even mahjong sets banned during the martial law era.
Both sides have strong arguments to back up their views and any decision is bound to stir up disputes and reversals that could certainly rival those surrounding the nuclear plant. As with that row, much of the criticism over the casino issue has fallen on the decision-making process: the president decides; the ministries implement. The decision comes from the top down -- not from the bottom up, whereby the administrative agencies draw up proposals and reach a consensus before seeking support from the president and legislature.
Chen appears blind to the deeply polarized public opinions on gambling -- and the fact that the DPP has traditionally sided with social activists against gambling. The DPP's legislative caucus always opposed the gambling laws proposed by the KMT and had no hesitation about getting into fist-fights in the legislature to block them. Those same DPP legislators who so vigorously opposed the KMT's plans are now key players in the Cabinet, including Premier Chang Chun-hsiung (張俊雄), Minister of Justice Chen Ding-nan (陳定南) and Minister of Transportation and Communications Yeh Chu-lan (葉菊蘭).
News reports of Chen's approval of casinos came without warning, shocking Cabinet officials, party members and the public at large. Not surprisingly, the policy U-turn has prompted fierce criticism from the opposition parties, similar in many ways to their outbursts during the plant row. Now the Presidential Office has washed its hands of any responsibility.
Whether or not to allow casinos is a public policy issue and should be put through a process of public debate. This would be a basic consideration even if the decision-making model of the DPP's top officials was acceptable.
The government has assembled a "nine-member decision-making task force" to coordinate policies between the Presidential Office, Executive Yuan, DPP headquarters and the party caucus. But criticism from some task force members that only one man is actually making decisions, leaving the other eight to simply endorse him, has revealed the weaknesses in that idea -- despite "clarifications" by the task force that this was not the case. The casino row would appear to put lie to those reassurances.
The DPP has been in power for more than 10 months -- long enough to have worked the bugs out of its policymaking apparatus, instead of suffering from a continuing case of foot-in-mouth disease. Taiwan has already paid a high price for the luxury of a transition of power. The people have every right to demand a democratic decision-making process that is stable, reliable and built on teamwork rather than a one-man show. If the government fails to deliver it, then the fundamental rule of democracy -- "step down or get voted out if you can't do a good job" will crush any hopes the DPP still has of strengthening its position come the year-end legislative elections.
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