The Chinese New Year is just over, but the people of Taiwan can already feel the unsettling atmosphere pervading Taiwan's political circles. The Executive Yuan and the Legislative Yuan are fighting it out as to whether to continue construction of the Fourth Nuclear Power Plant
The nuclear power plant dispute has been going on for years. Most people seem to have gradually lost their patience with the matter and are apparently eager to see a settlement. For that reason, recent surveys have shown glaringly unpredictable swings in public opinion.
When the government announced the scrapping of the nuclear power plant project, almost half of Taiwan's citizens approved of its anti-nuclear policy. After the opposition parties interpreted the ruling by the Council of Grand Justices as evidence that the legislature has the power to decide on continuing the project, however, the majority of the public then sided with the majority view in the Legislative Yuan that the project should be continued.
Such a swing of opinion reflects the people's tendency to change tack depending on which way the wind is blowing. It is also characteristic of a "high-risk society."
Modern technology usually carries high risks in need of assessment by specialists rather than by ordinary people. But different specialists often take conflicting stances that baffle the population at large. Then the masses are compelled to determine their position on an issue by a process of intuition and feelings. High-tech risks and partisan struggles have been so inextricably tangled up that unless one side makes a compromise, it is almost impossible to break the impasse.
We sincerely wish that our political figures will resume dialogue in lieu of confrontation, and set a good example for the people of communication and rationality. They should at least make this debate carry an educational value, teaching all citizens to seriously consider the responsibilities, burdens and risks associated with an important policy.
The Executive Yuan, more-over, should accept rigorous supervision and make public the contracts and documents associated with the project. We have heard that, at all of the more than 10 meetings of the nuclear plant's re-evaluation committee, the executive branch failed to present all the purchase contracts.
Does this mean that there were secret kickbacks involved in the plant project? Legislators, the Control Yuan and prosecutors should investigate this.
Furthermore, after the 921 earthquake, did we improve the project by making the plant more quake-resistant? This is a point that our legislators should be concerned about, especially in light of the devastating earthquake that hit India recently.
The top officials in our executive or legislative branches need to look into the above-mentioned issues. They should strive for the long-term welfare of the citizens of Taiwan and future generations by means of effective communication and negotiation.
In fact, the nuclear power plant project is closely tied to many other serious issues. One wrong step will have an effect on the lives and properties of too many people. Looking at the poor rationality dominating Taiwan politics, one cannot help but shudder at the thought of how the country will cope with disasters in the future.
Ku Chung-hwa is a professor of sociology at National Cheng-chi University. Chen Hwei-syin is a professor of law at the same university.
Translated by Gatian Wang
Recently, China launched another diplomatic offensive against Taiwan, improperly linking its “one China principle” with UN General Assembly Resolution 2758 to constrain Taiwan’s diplomatic space. After Taiwan’s presidential election on Jan. 13, China persuaded Nauru to sever diplomatic ties with Taiwan. Nauru cited Resolution 2758 in its declaration of the diplomatic break. Subsequently, during the WHO Executive Board meeting that month, Beijing rallied countries including Venezuela, Zimbabwe, Belarus, Egypt, Nicaragua, Sri Lanka, Laos, Russia, Syria and Pakistan to reiterate the “one China principle” in their statements, and assert that “Resolution 2758 has settled the status of Taiwan” to hinder Taiwan’s
Singaporean Prime Minister Lee Hsien Loong’s (李顯龍) decision to step down after 19 years and hand power to his deputy, Lawrence Wong (黃循財), on May 15 was expected — though, perhaps, not so soon. Most political analysts had been eyeing an end-of-year handover, to ensure more time for Wong to study and shadow the role, ahead of general elections that must be called by November next year. Wong — who is currently both deputy prime minister and minister of finance — would need a combination of fresh ideas, wisdom and experience as he writes the nation’s next chapter. The world that
Can US dialogue and cooperation with the communist dictatorship in Beijing help avert a Taiwan Strait crisis? Or is US President Joe Biden playing into Chinese President Xi Jinping’s (習近平) hands? With America preoccupied with the wars in Europe and the Middle East, Biden is seeking better relations with Xi’s regime. The goal is to responsibly manage US-China competition and prevent unintended conflict, thereby hoping to create greater space for the two countries to work together in areas where their interests align. The existing wars have already stretched US military resources thin, and the last thing Biden wants is yet another war.
As Maldivian President Mohamed Muizzu’s party won by a landslide in Sunday’s parliamentary election, it is a good time to take another look at recent developments in the Maldivian foreign policy. While Muizzu has been promoting his “Maldives First” policy, the agenda seems to have lost sight of a number of factors. Contemporary Maldivian policy serves as a stark illustration of how a blend of missteps in public posturing, populist agendas and inattentive leadership can lead to diplomatic setbacks and damage a country’s long-term foreign policy priorities. Over the past few months, Maldivian foreign policy has entangled itself in playing