At the end of WWII, Josef Stalin was a formidable figure and many commentators at the time described him as a lion, able to swallow small or weak nations whole. Now, however, even children urinate on the decapitated heads of the numerous bronzes of his likeness that were toppled after the fall of the Soviet Union.
The fate of the once-respected KMT does not seem to be much better. No matter how it handles the forthcoming transfer of power, it is criticized -- yet it can't discern what it has done wrong to offend the DPP.
The KMT is used to finding government posts for its political cronies. It's second nature. How could a career official not lend a helping hand to colleagues trying to carve a out place for themselves in the swiftly tilting political terrain? For its part, the DPP warned the KMT to "restrain itself" and even hinted that personnel changes made in the cabinet in the month before the inauguration might not be recognized.
Premier Vincent Siew
Becoming an official in the KMT government used to be like entering a castle to be made a duke. The king would divide up his kingdom's lands and the duke would live out the rest of his days in the castle.
But life was sometimes cramped in the castle and officials had to learn lessons about "cronyism," one of the cardinal principles required for promotion. Officials knew that stepping on toes would have serious consequences. They would take care not to offend their colleagues and always leave others with a face-saving option. When high-ranking officials were replaced, their successors would usually respect any last-minute appointments.
Many high-ranking staffers in government agencies followed their superior to his or her new appointment. But there were always a few who were unable to make the shift, and like a caring parent, thoughtful officials would ask around and try to ensure these staffers could either keep their position or get another one.
More well-intentioned officials would keep all of the close aides of the outgoing official in an agency. For example, Shou Chi-yang
For the KMT, the transfer of ministerial seals in the past was a benign "handing off" of power to the next generation of party loyalists. The DPP, however, now wants to "take over" political power. They want to march triumphantly into the center of the besieged citadel and demand a complete surrender from the vanquished enemy. KMT provincial party chairman Chen Keng-chin
The DPP is like a poor country bumpkin that just struck oil: overcome and excited by its new-found power, and full of thoughts of reform. It can't wait to grab a hold of the reigns of power and turn the house upside down.
The bastion of political power is a chance encounter, not a permanent residence. Where they will be in four years' time is anyone's guess. Not yet corrupted by collusion among officials, the DPP only wants to give itself and its temporary home a memory both will be unlikely to forget.
For the KMT, the DPP is simply a group of "nouveau riche" who have already begun revealing their contemptuous impatience with the ingrained governmental corruption. It's just like the old adage goes, "it takes three generations to develop the making of an official or merchant."
But the DPP is not concerned about its "status," and is only bent on fulfilling the public's expectations. On the other hand, the KMT mistakenly believes that it has the class of an established institution, and is unable to understand why the public believes it to be guilty of "self-enrichment." O heartless world!
As compatible as oil and water, there's bound to be friction between the DPP and KMT during the power transfer. And while some of this tension will end on May 20, keep your ears tuned on that date for the grating prelude of two large objects grinding against each other: the new DPP administration and the entrenched bureaucracy.
Chen Ro-jinn is a freelance writer.
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