The two Chinese Nationalist Party (KMT) vice chairmen who are regarded as the most likely successors of KMT Chairman Lien Chan (
People should realize that the committee members are "old thieves" (
It is therefore not surprising that 22 members of the Central Standing Committee petitioned Lien to remain as chairman for another term. Their first consideration is not the party's best interests, but rather their own. And Lien is also reluctant to step down. So, from a comfortable position of power, they are able to put down Ma -- the upstart who wants to win the chairmanship for himself.
This situation is typical of a Leninist party such as the KMT. Lien has yet to state his intentions, and is clearly assessing public opinion. The chairman, who holds a PhD in political science from the prestigious University of Chicago, has failed to carry the torch of democracy in Taiwan, but instead has become a bastion of reaction, desperately upholding the authoritarian legacy of Chiang Kai-shek (
This is an ideal time to conduct a comparative study of the DPP and the KMT. Neither party has changed much over the years. The KMT's authoritarian tradition is unshaken, and the DPP, while opinionated and feisty, suffers from a fondness for political infighting. Most recently, in the run up to the May 14 National Assembly elections, many DPP members lambasted Chen's moderate policy in his recent dealings with China.
Criticism of Chen has abated since the DPP won the elections. But despite the drubbing he got at the hands of party members, he has little choice but to show them goodwill.
The two parties' political culture is a reflection of the divergent cultures of Taiwan and China. The KMT, which came out of China, maintains a culture of intrigue and secrecy, while the DPP has a spirit fortified by the grassroots vigor of Taiwan's emergent democracy. It will hardly matter whether Ma or Wang takes over, if the KMT does not undergo thorough reform. If they are unable to overcome the party's authoritarian culture, the KMT will continue in its rut.
But the most urgent question now is: Will Lien retire or not? The party's rank and file can't take much more. After Lin Chin-chuan (
Whether Lien will contest the election or not is an internal matter for the KMT. What we are concerned about more is: How can a political party without a democratic culture effectively engage with China -- and how can it represent the people of Taiwan?
In the past month, two important developments are poised to equip Taiwan with expanded capabilities to play foreign policy offense in an age where Taiwan’s diplomatic space is seriously constricted by a hegemonic Beijing. Taiwan Foreign Minister Lin Chia-lung (林佳龍) led a delegation of Taiwan and US companies to the Philippines to promote trilateral economic cooperation between the three countries. Additionally, in the past two weeks, Taiwan has placed chip export controls on South Africa in an escalating standoff over the placing of its diplomatic mission in Pretoria, causing the South Africans to pause and ask for consultations to resolve
An altercation involving a 73-year-old woman and a younger person broke out on a Taipei MRT train last week, with videos of the incident going viral online, sparking wide discussions about the controversial priority seats and social norms. In the video, the elderly woman, surnamed Tseng (曾), approached a passenger in a priority seat and demanded that she get up, and after she refused, she swung her bag, hitting her on the knees and calves several times. In return, the commuter asked a nearby passenger to hold her bag, stood up and kicked Tseng, causing her to fall backward and
In December 1937, Japanese troops captured Nanjing and unleashed one of the darkest chapters of the 20th century. Over six weeks, hundreds of thousands were slaughtered and women were raped on a scale that still defies comprehension. Across Asia, the Japanese occupation left deep scars. Singapore, Malaya, the Philippines and much of China endured terror, forced labor and massacres. My own grandfather was tortured by the Japanese in Singapore. His wife, traumatized beyond recovery, lived the rest of her life in silence and breakdown. These stories are real, not abstract history. Here is the irony: Mao Zedong (毛澤東) himself once told visiting
When I reminded my 83-year-old mother on Wednesday that it was the 76th anniversary of the founding of the People’s Republic of China, she replied: “Yes, it was the day when my family was broken.” That answer captures the paradox of modern China. To most Chinese in mainland China, Oct. 1 is a day of pride — a celebration of national strength, prosperity and global stature. However, on a deeper level, it is also a reminder to many of the families shattered, the freedoms extinguished and the lives sacrificed on the road here. Seventy-six years ago, Chinese Communist leader Mao Zedong (毛澤東)
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