The Chinese Nationalist Party (KMT) is staging a splendid imperial-style spectacle. KMT Chairman Lien Chan (
Similar charades from imperial times can be read in history textbooks. After a power struggle, the victor would say that "the support of so many people left him no choice but to take the throne." It was a hackneyed ploy even back then, but Lien has never been one to avoid a cliche.
It's time to say enough is enough and put an end to this soap opera, this comedy of horrors. By putting on such an outmoded spectacle, the KMT has once again demonstrated that it is out of touch with reality and with the democratic era.
Of course, pan-green camp supporters should be delighted, for if Lien stays as chairman, he will certainly try to be the KMT's presidential contender in the 2008 election. That would basically guarantee a Democratic Progressive Party (DPP) victory, regardless of who its candidate is. The reason for this is simple: By staying on as chairman, Lien will block the democratization of the KMT and the transfer of power to the next generation. All the pan-green camp needs to do is stand by and watch the KMT fall apart.
Pan-blue supporters shouldn't pin their hopes on Legislative Speaker Wang Jin-pyng (
However, Taipei Mayor Ma Ying-jeou (
This response clearly shows how far the KMT has to go in learning the ways of democracy. A choice of candidates is standard in democratic elections, but as soon as Ma challenged Lien, he was accused of splitting the party. With that kind of mentality, no wonder the KMT has long behaved as though national elections risk splitting the nation.
While many pan-greens and others would applaud the idea of Lien, as captain, going down with his ship as the KMT sheds employees and hemorrhages money, such a drawn-out death scene would be hard to stomach. Does Taiwan really need another four years of Lien's spoiled-brat sulks and "one true king" pretensions? For the sake of the nation's democracy, Lien should step down to allow for the restructuring and democratization of the KMT and for multi-party politics to flourish.
What began on Feb. 28 as a military campaign against Iran quickly became the largest energy-supply disruption in modern times. Unlike the oil crises of the 1970s, which stemmed from producer-led embargoes, US President Donald Trump is the first leader in modern history to trigger a cascading global energy crisis through direct military action. In the process, Trump has also laid bare Taiwan’s strategic and economic fragilities, offering Beijing a real-time tutorial in how to exploit them. Repairing the damage to Persian Gulf oil and gas infrastructure could take years, suggesting that elevated energy prices are likely to persist. But the most
Chinese Nationalist Party (KMT) Chairwoman Cheng Li-wun (鄭麗文), during an interview for the podcast Lanshuan Time (蘭萱時間) released on Monday, said that a US professor had said that she deserved to be nominated for the Nobel Peace Prize following her meeting earlier this month with Chinese President Xi Jinping (習近平). Cheng’s “journey of peace” has garnered attention from overseas and from within Taiwan. The latest My Formosa poll, conducted last week after the Cheng-Xi meeting, shows that Cheng’s approval rating is 31.5 percent, up 7.6 percentage points compared with the month before. The same poll showed that 44.5 percent of respondents
Taiwan should reject two flawed answers to the Eswatini controversy: that diplomatic allies no longer matter, or that they must be preserved at any cost. The sustainable answer is to maintain formal diplomatic relations while redesigning development relationships around transparency, local ownership and democratic accountability. President William Lai’s (賴清德) canceled trip to Eswatini has elicited two predictable reactions in Taiwan. One camp has argued that the episode proves Taiwan must double down on support for every remaining diplomatic ally, because Beijing is tightening the screws, and formal recognition is too scarce to risk. The other says the opposite: If maintaining
India’s semiconductor strategy is undergoing a quiet, but significant, recalibration. With the rollout of India Semiconductor Mission (ISM) 2.0, New Delhi is signaling a shift away from ambition-driven leaps toward a more grounded, capability-led approach rooted in industrial realities and institutional learning. Rather than attempting to enter the most advanced nodes immediately, India has chosen to prioritize mature technologies in the 28-nanometer to 65-nanometer range. That would not be a retreat, but a strategic alignment with domestic capabilities, market demand and global supply chain gaps. The shift carries the imprimatur of Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi, indicating that the recalibration is