On Wednesday, Zhang Mingqing (
Missile exercises during the 1996 campaign; saber-rattling comments by then-premier Zhu Rongji (
This year, enraged by President Chen Shui-bian's (
Then there is the fact that Beijing has turned a blind eye to the recent grand opening of a pan-blue campaign headquarters in Shanghai -- which, coincidentally, is right next to the Taiwan Affairs Office building. It is hard to believe that Beijing didn't know what was going on -- after all, Chinese authorities keep a tight leash on all political activities. How could Beijing not have realized that a group of Taiwanese businesspeople -- many of whom are not only wanted fugitives in Taiwan but are well connected with high-ranking Chinese officials -- were establishing a campaign office?
On Wednesday, Democratic Progressive Party (DPP) Legislator Lee Wen-chung (
Even more interesting is the way the Taiwan Affairs Office was so quick to deny any attempt to meddle in the election, and the Shanghai authorities' ban on campaigning after the KMT came under attack in Taiwan for its election-related activities in China. Since when has Beijing ever cared about criticism from Taiwan? The only possible explanation is that it does not want to be seen to be doing anything that might negatively impact Lien's campaign. Under the circumstances, despite the pan-blue's denials, it is obvious that Beijing favors Lien.
When 17,000 troops from the US, the Philippines, Australia, Japan, Canada, France and New Zealand spread across the Philippine archipelago for the Balikatan military exercise, running from tomorrow through May 8, the official language would be about interoperability, readiness and regional peace. However, the strategic subtext is becoming harder to ignore: The exercises are increasingly about the military geography around Taiwan. Balikatan has always carried political weight. This year, however, the exercise looks different in ways that matter not only to Manila and Washington, but also to Taipei. What began in 2023 as a shift toward a more serious deterrence posture
Reports about Elon Musk planning his own semiconductor fab have sparked anxiety, with some warning that Taiwan Semiconductor Manufacturing Co (TSMC) could lose key customers to vertical integration. A closer reading suggests a more measured conclusion: Musk is advancing a strategic vision of in-house chip manufacturing, but remains far from replacing the existing foundry ecosystem. For TSMC, the short-term impact is limited; the medium-term challenge lies in supply diversification and pricing pressure, only in the long term could it evolve into a structural threat. The clearest signal is Musk’s announcement that Tesla and SpaceX plan to develop a fab project dubbed “Terafab”
China’s AI ecosystem has one defining difference from Silicon Valley: It is embrace of open source. While the US’ biggest companies race to build ever more powerful systems and insist only they can control them, Chinese labs have been giving the technology away for free. Open source — making a model available for anyone to use, download and build on — once seemed a niche, nerdy topic that no one besides developers cared about. However, when a new technology is driving trillions of dollars of investments and leading to immense concentrations of power, it offered an antidote. That is part of
In late January, Taiwan’s first indigenous submarine, the Hai Kun (海鯤, or Narwhal), completed its first submerged dive, reaching a depth of roughly 50m during trials in the waters off Kaohsiung. By March, it had managed a fifth dive, still well short of the deep-water and endurance tests required before the navy could accept the vessel. The original delivery deadline of November last year passed months ago. CSBC Corp, Taiwan, the lead contractor, now targets June and the Ministry of National Defense is levying daily penalties for every day the submarine remains unfinished. The Hai Kun was supposed to be