From the top of the Prince of the Sky’s tower, the pavement below is a vertigo-inducing abstraction, a gray expanse dotted with people-like specks. But the Prince, one of the best tightrope walkers in the world, doesn’t think about the pavement. He looks towards his destination — another high tower on a distant hillside — and contemplates the thin steel cable strung across the expanse.
For Aisikaier Wubulikaisimu, 41, tightrope walking is more than a circus act — it’s a national sport with two millennia of history.
Aisikaier, hailed as the Prince by his publicist, is Uighur, a predominantly Muslim ethnic group from Xinjiang Province in China’s far northwest. He has wide-set eyes, a burst of knotty dreadlocks and a gnarled scar just below his jaw, from when he fell from a low wire as a child and impaled himself on the protruding end of a metal coil. In his native language, tightrope walking is called dawaz, and like all dawaz performers, he refuses to use safety equipment. Every walk is a dance with fate.
Photo: Reuters
“I represent the people of Xinjiang,” Aisikaier says in stilted Mandarin. “If I fail, people will think I’m a joke. So I don’t think about failure. Either I succeed, or I die.”
He laughs. Suddenly, Xinjiang music blares from the speakers below — a sweep of hand-drums, fiddles and lutes — and he steps on to the wire.
‘Weapon of the weak’
Aisikaier is, by most metrics, a success. He works for a small theme park in rural southwest China, which pays him well. He has broken four Guinness world records, most of them for speed-mad 100m dashes across dizzyingly high wires, and frequently appears on Chinese television.
Yet for Aisikaier and other Uighurs, navigating Chinese society is itself a tightrope act, fraught with an equal degree of peril. They are China’s most beleaguered ethnic group — feared, misunderstood and economically marginalized. Cozy up to Han society and they could be ostracized. Struggle against it and they could be jailed.
“I think [dawaz] is a nice metaphor for the sort of place that Uighurs find themselves in, between Chinese society and central Asian society, between Islam and Chinese secularism,” says Dru Gladney, an expert on China’s ethnic minorities at Pomona College in California.
While the Chinese government supports traditional Uighur music and dance, staging elaborate shows to showcase the country’s ethnic diversity, it barely touches dawaz. The sport is too rugged, too individualistic.
“You can say it’s a weapon of the weak, but it’s also a very effective way of showing the resilience of Uighur culture,” he says.
Every month seems to bring news from Xinjiang underscoring the region’s entrenched ethnic divide. In November last year, 11 people died when a Uighur mob attacked a police station. On Dec. 15, a clash between gun-toting police and machete-wielding Uighurs took 16 lives in the region’s arid west. The unrest reached Beijing in October, when an SUV ploughed through pedestrians in Tiananmen Square and caught fire, killing five and injuring dozens. Authorities identified the driver as Uighur and described the incident as an act of terrorism, motivated by “religious extremist forces.” Uighur activists abroad called it a last-ditch protest against religious and cultural constraints.
Tensions in Xinjiang reached boiling point in July 2009, when knife-wielding Uighurs rioted in the region’s capital, Urumqi, indiscriminately killing scores of Han Chinese. Since then, authorities in Xinjiang have kept up a relentless campaign of surveillance cameras, Internet monitors and paramilitary troops. They pressure women to remove their veils, discourage fasting during Ramadan and prohibit young Uighur men from visiting mosques, fearing they will organize protests. Han and Uighurs frequent different restaurants and nightclubs. Intermarriage is rare.
The tradition of dawaz is rooted in resistance. Thousands of years ago, performers say, a Xinjiang city was invaded by repressive ghosts. Uighur warriors could not push past its high wall and moat, so for a long time, the ghosts ruled unabated. But one brave warrior fixed a rope between a tree and the city wall and walked across, using two heavy swords to keep his balance. Ultimately, he scaled the wall, vanquished the ghosts and liberated his people.
‘An activist on some level’
Although Adili Wuxor has never vanquished any ghosts, his rise to national stardom has, for many Uighurs, comparable significance.
Adili, 43, is Aisikaier’s friend and only rival, a sixth-generation tightrope walker whose ancestors performed for Qing dynasty emperors. He is a darling of the state-owned media. In 2010, Adili performed on a wire strung over the Bird’s Nest Stadium for 60 consecutive days, sleeping in a tiny cabin on its roof. Last year in October, he walked between two guard towers on the Great Wall.
“I’m of the sky. That’s what I do,” he told the China Daily. “And the Great Wall is a place particularly symbolic.”
Despite his boyish visage and compact frame, Adili has the air of a triumphant underdog. “If I never studied dawaz, it’s very possible that dawaz would cease to exist,” he says.
Adili began practicing dawaz at the age of five and spent so much time on the wire as a child that it left permanent grooves in the soles of his feet. He recently opened a dawaz school for orphans in Xinjiang, and says he directs half of his 6 million yuan (NT$29.8 million) annual income toward keeping it afloat.
“Fewer and fewer people are studying dawaz,” he says. “You know China has a one-child policy, and if you only have one child, you’re not going to let her study something so dangerous.”
Despite his status among Uighurs, Adili enjoys a friendly relationship with the Chinese state.
His school’s promotional materials show students draped in a Chinese flag. He was a torchbearer for the 2008 Beijing Olympics and has repeatedly served as a deputy to the National People’s Congress, the national legislature. In 2004, Adili was touring in Toronto with an acrobatics troupe when seven members went into hiding and applied for political asylum.
Adili returned to Xinjiang with the remaining five. Xinjiang’s Communist party bosses claimed the defectors had been tricked by “overseas separatists” and Adili publicly appealed for their return.
“He walked this weird line between knowing that he was a symbol of nationhood on one level, and even of independence, I guess — but at the same time, he was very comfortable in this coddled position as a performer,” said Deborah Stratman, a Chicago-based documentary film-maker who lived with Adili as he toured Xinjiang for three months in 2001.
“It could have been that he was an activist on some level, but he would never reveal that, especially to a foreigner,” she said.
Aisikaier’s theme park is tucked away among lush, low-ying mountains an hour’s drive from Kunming, the capital of southwest China’s Yunnan Province. He says he couldn’t find suitable work in his childhood home of Kashgar. It’s a sensitive subject. When pushed for details, his eyes dart away, and he picks at his fingernails.
Aisikaier’s life at the park is placid. The park’s main attraction is the Kingdom of the Little People, staffed almost exclusively by people with dwarfism. They put on two variety shows a day for tourists. Aisikaier towers above his colleagues, many of whom he considers close friends; they spend most of their time chatting and playing cards. He lives in a mildewed dorm room and cooks halal food for himself. He plans to stay for another decade.
Occasionally, Aisikaier puts on elaborate performances organized by an agency in Anhui.
Last summer, his team strung a 700-meter-long cable between cliffs in central China and the Prince, seeking a new challenge, decided to cross it backwards and blindfolded. On the day, he wore a white tank top and pants. Although he had completed the walk in practice, that day was insufferably hot — 40oC — and after about 50 minutes, he began to feel queasy. His balancing pole swayed uncontrollably, nearly tapping the sides of his feet. With 40 meters to go, his legs gave out; he desperately tried to grab the wire, missed and plummeted.
When Aisikaier came to a few seconds later, he was tangled in the branches of a tree.“When I was falling, my mind was blank. But once I realized what had just happened, I thought: ‘I don’t want to die. God, don’t take me now. Give me another chance,’” he says.
Aisikaier went home that night shaken, but unhurt. Four days later, he was back on a wire.
Jan 13 to Jan 19 Yang Jen-huang (楊仁煌) recalls being slapped by his father when he asked about their Sakizaya heritage, telling him to never mention it otherwise they’ll be killed. “Only then did I start learning about the Karewan Incident,” he tells Mayaw Kilang in “The social culture and ethnic identification of the Sakizaya” (撒奇萊雅族的社會文化與民族認定). “Many of our elders are reluctant to call themselves Sakizaya, and are accustomed to living in Amis (Pangcah) society. Therefore, it’s up to the younger generation to push for official recognition, because there’s still a taboo with the older people.” Although the Sakizaya became Taiwan’s 13th
Earlier this month, a Hong Kong ship, Shunxin-39, was identified as the ship that had cut telecom cables on the seabed north of Keelung. The ship, owned out of Hong Kong and variously described as registered in Cameroon (as Shunxin-39) and Tanzania (as Xinshun-39), was originally People’s Republic of China (PRC)-flagged, but changed registries in 2024, according to Maritime Executive magazine. The Financial Times published tracking data for the ship showing it crossing a number of undersea cables off northern Taiwan over the course of several days. The intent was clear. Shunxin-39, which according to the Taiwan Coast Guard was crewed
China’s military launched a record number of warplane incursions around Taiwan last year as it builds its ability to launch full-scale invasion, something a former chief of Taiwan’s armed forces said Beijing could be capable of within a decade. Analysts said China’s relentless harassment had taken a toll on Taiwan’s resources, but had failed to convince them to capitulate, largely because the threat of invasion was still an empty one, for now. Xi Jinping’s (習近平) determination to annex Taiwan under what the president terms “reunification” is no secret. He has publicly and stridently promised to bring it under Communist party (CCP) control,
One way people in Taiwan can control how they are represented is through their choice of name. Culturally, it is not uncommon for people to choose their own names and change their identification cards and passports to reflect the change, though only recently was the right to use Indigenous names written using letters allowed. Reasons for changing a person’s name can vary widely, from wanting to sound more literary, to changing a poor choice made by their parents or, as 331 people did in March of 2021, to get free sushi by legally changing their name to include the two characters
RSS