Taiwan relies on subsea cables, satellites and fiber optic cables to remain connected. However, in times of conflict, none of these would be enough to ensure that the government can communicate with its citizens, or that citizens could communicate with each other. A mesh network, on the other hand, ensures sovereignty and autonomy. We therefore propose that the government initiate a discussion about constructing the world’s first national mesh network in Taiwan.
Mesh networks have been used by protesters in Hong Kong and elsewhere to keep communication going even when the traditional Internet is shut down. They often consist of small personal devices such as smartphones or Meshtastic LoRa nodes that relay messages to each other through a wireless signal or Bluetooth, instead of going through a centralized server.
Taiwan’s connectivity strategy is prone to fail in times of conflict. An adversary would likely cut subsea cables; Internet exchange points could be hit by missiles, further diminishing domestic connectivity. Satellites could be a backup, providing emergency low bandwidth connections to citizens. Vehicles with satellite dishes could be deployed to regions in crisis. However, with a limited amount of those, they could also be targeted by sabotage or missiles.
We suggest that the government explore the idea of building yet another layer of defense for resilience — a national mesh network. To create a reliable network that connects the west coast urban areas from Keelung to Kaohsiung, one would need large amounts of handheld devices, probably in the hundreds of thousands. To maintain connectivity on the east coast, mesh networks could still play a role, but it would need more nodes that have a longer range than handheld devices and would ideally be deployed on roofs.
Why do all this? When the government has no other way of communicating with its people, mesh devices would be the primary channel to relay the most essential government information. The government would not be able to send video or audio messages, but texts should be sufficient for the most important updates. Handheld devices also have a long battery life that would further bolster resilience. As there are so many devices, a foreign adversary would be unable to destroy a significant number.
Nevertheless, there are a few things to keep in mind. In the case of the Meshtastic network, about 80 to 90 percent of the devices would be on client mute mode, which functions as “receive only” nodes, while the rest of the devices relay communication, extending the network. This method prevents the network from becoming congested.
Wireless signals that a mesh network relies on to relay messages could be jammed, but this could be mitigated through frequency hopping techniques. Another weak point is that a foreign adversary could hijack these networks to spread disinformation, but with proper cryptography to authenticate message origins, such as the Reticulum network, this risk could be countered.
This brings us to the next hurdle in deploying a national mesh network. Many mesh device producers hail from China. However, Taiwan could easily manufacture these LoRa mesh devices with its advanced chip producing capability. Mesh devices only consist of a microcontroller (chip), another radio chip, an antenna and a battery.
If the government were to initiate a broader discussion on the pros and cons of a national mesh network, and decided to adopt the mesh network strategy, it could easily set up and scale production. When the project is deployed successfully, Taiwan could export its solution to other countries who face similar adversarial challenges to connectivity.
Valentin Weber is a visiting fellow at the Institute for National Defense and Security Research, and a senior associate fellow at the German Council on Foreign Relations. Myf Ma is a human rights researcher and an active member of New York City’s mesh network community.
What began on Feb. 28 as a military campaign against Iran quickly became the largest energy-supply disruption in modern times. Unlike the oil crises of the 1970s, which stemmed from producer-led embargoes, US President Donald Trump is the first leader in modern history to trigger a cascading global energy crisis through direct military action. In the process, Trump has also laid bare Taiwan’s strategic and economic fragilities, offering Beijing a real-time tutorial in how to exploit them. Repairing the damage to Persian Gulf oil and gas infrastructure could take years, suggesting that elevated energy prices are likely to persist. But the most
Chinese Nationalist Party (KMT) Chairwoman Cheng Li-wun (鄭麗文), during an interview for the podcast Lanshuan Time (蘭萱時間) released on Monday, said that a US professor had said that she deserved to be nominated for the Nobel Peace Prize following her meeting earlier this month with Chinese President Xi Jinping (習近平). Cheng’s “journey of peace” has garnered attention from overseas and from within Taiwan. The latest My Formosa poll, conducted last week after the Cheng-Xi meeting, shows that Cheng’s approval rating is 31.5 percent, up 7.6 percentage points compared with the month before. The same poll showed that 44.5 percent of respondents
Taiwan should reject two flawed answers to the Eswatini controversy: that diplomatic allies no longer matter, or that they must be preserved at any cost. The sustainable answer is to maintain formal diplomatic relations while redesigning development relationships around transparency, local ownership and democratic accountability. President William Lai’s (賴清德) canceled trip to Eswatini has elicited two predictable reactions in Taiwan. One camp has argued that the episode proves Taiwan must double down on support for every remaining diplomatic ally, because Beijing is tightening the screws, and formal recognition is too scarce to risk. The other says the opposite: If maintaining
India’s semiconductor strategy is undergoing a quiet, but significant, recalibration. With the rollout of India Semiconductor Mission (ISM) 2.0, New Delhi is signaling a shift away from ambition-driven leaps toward a more grounded, capability-led approach rooted in industrial realities and institutional learning. Rather than attempting to enter the most advanced nodes immediately, India has chosen to prioritize mature technologies in the 28-nanometer to 65-nanometer range. That would not be a retreat, but a strategic alignment with domestic capabilities, market demand and global supply chain gaps. The shift carries the imprimatur of Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi, indicating that the recalibration is