The Constitutional Court on Jan. 2 issued its first interpretation of the year — which is also its first to follow last year’s Dec. 19 judgement that struck down amendments to the Constitutional Court Procedure Act (憲法訴訟法) that had effectively paralyzed the court for nearly a year.
What is troubling about the latest ruling is not the judgement itself, but the maneuvering of individual justices in an attempt to continue to hold back the court’s operations.
The case was about the ability of defense attorneys to appeal a client’s detention when they are unable to file in person. Three out of the eight sitting justices chose not to vote — they had also refused to participate in last month’s proceedings, which saw the court’s operations resume. The issue is that under the Constitutional Court Procedure Act’s voting thresholds, a person only needs to create a dispute over headcounts to halt the entire court.
It is an example of a legislative overstep that attempts to contain and control the authority that the Constitution confers upon the justices.
The arguments that said the justices who refuse to deliberate should nonetheless be counted toward the total number of voting judges are troubling. That interpretation would ensure that, as long as three judges abstain, the two-thirds adjudicatory threshold — currently six out of eight sitting justices — is never reached. It would grant the minority constitutional veto power and the ability to paralyze the court through non-deliberation without judicial reasoning.
Consequently, the public would be forced to wait indefinitely for resolutions to any major constitutional dispute. Constitutional judgements are meant to offer a way out of deadlock, but this would sever that lifeline and reduce the Constitution to little more than a symbolic ornament.
Under the current circumstances, the continued operation of the Constitutional Court by five justices is not ultra vires, but the most basic form of fidelity to the Constitution. They are not just upholding procedural form, but ensuring that the public’s basic rights to litigation and constitutional relief are not compromised by a legislative black hole.
Yeh Yu-cheng is a secretary at the Pingtung County Public Health Bureau.
Translated by Gilda Knox Streader
Jan. 1 marks a decade since China repealed its one-child policy. Just 10 days before, Peng Peiyun (彭珮雲), who long oversaw the often-brutal enforcement of China’s family-planning rules, died at the age of 96, having never been held accountable for her actions. Obituaries praised Peng for being “reform-minded,” even though, in practice, she only perpetuated an utterly inhumane policy, whose consequences have barely begun to materialize. It was Vice Premier Chen Muhua (陳慕華) who first proposed the one-child policy in 1979, with the endorsement of China’s then-top leaders, Chen Yun (陳雲) and Deng Xiaoping (鄧小平), as a means of avoiding the
The immediate response in Taiwan to the extraction of Venezuelan President Nicolas Maduro by the US over the weekend was to say that it was an example of violence by a major power against a smaller nation and that, as such, it gave Chinese President Xi Jinping (習近平) carte blanche to invade Taiwan. That assessment is vastly oversimplistic and, on more sober reflection, likely incorrect. Generally speaking, there are three basic interpretations from commentators in Taiwan. The first is that the US is no longer interested in what is happening beyond its own backyard, and no longer preoccupied with regions in other
A recent piece of international news has drawn surprisingly little attention, yet it deserves far closer scrutiny. German industrial heavyweight Siemens Mobility has reportedly outmaneuvered long-entrenched Chinese competitors in Southeast Asian infrastructure to secure a strategic partnership with Vietnam’s largest private conglomerate, Vingroup. The agreement positions Siemens to participate in the construction of a high-speed rail link between Hanoi and Ha Long Bay. German media were blunt in their assessment: This was not merely a commercial win, but has symbolic significance in “reshaping geopolitical influence.” At first glance, this might look like a routine outcome of corporate bidding. However, placed in
The last foreign delegation Nicolas Maduro met before he went to bed Friday night (January 2) was led by China’s top Latin America diplomat. “I had a pleasant meeting with Qiu Xiaoqi (邱小琪), Special Envoy of President Xi Jinping (習近平),” Venezuela’s soon-to-be ex-president tweeted on Telegram, “and we reaffirmed our commitment to the strategic relationship that is progressing and strengthening in various areas for building a multipolar world of development and peace.” Judging by how minutely the Central Intelligence Agency was monitoring Maduro’s every move on Friday, President Trump himself was certainly aware of Maduro’s felicitations to his Chinese guest. Just