When Taiwan announced it would increase its defense budget, the international security community’s reaction was far greater than the public had anticipated.
In an op-ed published in the Washington Post on Monday, Randall Schriver and Ely Ratner — who formerly served as US assistant secretary of defense for Indo-Pacific security affairs from 2018 to 2019 and 2021 to this year respectively — describe Taiwan’s new defense policy as “acting with greater seriousness and focus than ever before,” even suggesting that the nation was moving toward an entirely new strategic baseline.
The article said that Taiwan’s push to increase military spending to a target of about 5 percent of GDP is no longer a symbolic arms procurement, but the beginning of building a long-term, autonomous and sustainable defense system.
For years, Taiwan has carried the burden of external doubts over a perceived lack of resolve for self-defense. Think tanks, the US Congress and military experts in Washington warned that Taiwan’s military preparedness was disproportionate to the threat it faces. The changes proposed to the structure of the defense budget are being viewed by the US as a step toward breaking the stereotype. If Taiwan could stay on course, it would redefine its role in the security architecture of the Indo-Pacific region, and provide regional allies with greater confidence in its capability and resolve to safeguard its own security.
The proposed increase is not limited to the procurement of conventional large-scale platforms — instead, it focuses on dispersion, resilience and technological integration. The budget includes items such as anti-ship missiles, drones, air-defense systems, battlefield information integration systems, resilient communications and improvements to the domestic defense industrial chain — all of which fall under asymmetric capabilities, effectively raising the cost of aggression by making the risks associated with military action against Taiwan prohibitively high.
The concept for Taiwan to focus on asymmetric defense — long advocated by the US — has finally been met with a concrete policy response.
What US observers particularly value is Taiwan’s willingness to institutionalize its defense investments. While individual special budgets are undoubtedly important, true deterrence capabilities come from long-term accumulation. When Taiwan establishes a clear ratio of defense spending to GDP and implements foundational projects to develop supply chains, command and control systems, logistics support and maintenance capacity, the international community would see that the nation no longer relies on symbolic policies — rather, it is confronting the threat head-on.
Taiwan will continue to face challenges. Finding a balance between military spending and public finances, securing long-term legislative support, and ensuring that industries and talent pools can keep pace with transformations in defense technology are all issues that require time, consensus and effective governance. Building national defense is not merely a military matter — it is one that involves industrial development, investment in education, scientific research and civic participation. Only through comprehensive mobilization could Taiwan transform increased military spending into genuine national security capabilities.
The international community understands that what Taiwan seeks is not an arms race, but rather to use the most rational means to ensure the survival of its democratic society amid a rapidly deteriorating security environment. Taiwan is showing the world that it is determined to close its defense gaps. The international community, in turn, would be more willing to provide assistance.
For the US, this means that Taiwan is no longer merely a vulnerable front line requiring protection, but an important partner that is willing to shoulder its own responsibilities, bolster deterrence and work with allies to maintain regional stability.
Increasing defense spending would not solve all of the problems, but Taiwan has already taken an important step — one that allows the international community to see a more mature, resolute and self-reliant nation. When Taiwan demonstrates the will to defend its own way of life, external support is legitimized.
This marks an important turning point in Taiwan’s security policy and the beginning of reshaping the security order in the Indo-Pacific region.
Edwin Yang is an associate professor at National Taiwan Normal University and chairman of the Central Taiwan Association of University Professors.
Translated by Kyra Gustavsen
China’s supreme objective in a war across the Taiwan Strait is to incorporate Taiwan as a province of the People’s Republic. It follows, therefore, that international recognition of Taiwan’s de jure independence is a consummation that China’s leaders devoutly wish to avoid. By the same token, an American strategy to deny China that objective would complicate Beijing’s calculus and deter large-scale hostilities. For decades, China has cautioned “independence means war.” The opposite is also true: “war means independence.” A comprehensive strategy of denial would guarantee an outcome of de jure independence for Taiwan in the event of Chinese invasion or
Chinese Nationalist Party (KMT) Chairwoman Cheng Li-wun (鄭麗文) earlier this month said it is necessary for her to meet with Chinese President Xi Jinping (習近平) and it would be a “huge boost” to the party’s local election results in November, but many KMT members have expressed different opinions, indicating a struggle between different groups in the party. Since Cheng was elected as party chairwoman in October last year, she has repeatedly expressed support for increased exchanges with China, saying that it would bring peace and prosperity to Taiwan, and that a meeting with Xi in Beijing takes priority over meeting
Taiwan no longer wants to merely manufacture the chips that power artificial intelligence (AI). It aims to build the software, platforms and services that run on them. Ten major AI infrastructure projects, a national cloud computing center in Tainan, the sovereign language model Trustworthy AI Dialogue Engine, five targeted industry verticals — from precision medicine to smart agriculture — and the goal of ranking among the world’s top five in computing power by 2040: The roadmap from “Silicon Island” to “Smart Island” is drawn. The question is whether the western plains, where population, industry and farmland are concentrated, have the water and
The political order of former president Lee Teng-hui (李登輝) first took shape in 1988. Then-vice president Lee succeeded former president Chiang Ching-kuo (蔣經國) after he passed, and served out the remainder of his term in office. In 1990, Lee was elected president by the National Assembly, and in 1996, he won Taiwan’s first direct presidential election. Those two, six and four-year terms were an era-defining 12-year presidential tenure. Throughout those years, Lee served as helmsman for Taiwan’s transition from martial law and authoritarianism to democracy. This period came to be known as the “quiet revolution,” leaving a legacy containing light