From dismantling its protectionist “inspector raj,” to cutting duties on Tesla Inc vehicles, and treating Amazon.com Inc and Walmart Inc on a par with domestic retailers, India is under pressure on many fronts in its trade talks with the US.
While concessions in several of these areas would be beneficial to Indians, the sticking points would be food and fuel.
Take ethanol blending in gasoline. New Delhi has, over the past quarter century, modeled its intercity transport network on the US’ by centering it on highways, rather than rail. To manage the pollution from cars and trucks, and to reduce dependence on imported fossil fuels, the government has mandated the addition of 20 percent bioethanol in gasoline.
However, the program has a politically important third goal: enhancing local farm income with the creation of a market in agricultural surplus and byproducts. This is where trade interests will collide. US farmers are allowed to sell corn-based ethanol to India for industrial use, but not for blending in transport fuel. Washington views this as an unfair nontariff barrier. Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi’s administration is reviewing a US request to lift the restrictions, Bloomberg News reported this month.
AGRICULTURAL WIN
It is easy to see why prizing open the fast-growing market for ethanol mixing might be important to US President Donald Trump. In theory at least, estimated annual demand of 10 billion liters is big enough to absorb all of the corn grown in Indiana. A big win in agriculture would help the US president at a time when his trade war has all but closed off the opportunity to export sorghum from Kansas and Texas to China, where it is used in feedstock and to make baijiu (白酒) liquor. US corn also needs new buyers in Asia as Chinese demand retreats.
Trump is threatening to scuttle India’s manufacturing ambitions. He has warned Apple Inc of a 25 percent tariff if it assembles iPhones meant for sale in the US anywhere overseas. He has also damaged his friend Modi’s strongman image at home by repeatedly claiming to have been the peacemaker who engineered the ceasefire between India and Pakistan in their recent hostilities. New Delhi has no option except to be conciliatory; it must at least reach a preliminary deal to avoid the 26 percent “reciprocal” tariff ahead of its July 9 deadline.
Yet, when it comes to food and fuel, the Modi government will have to proceed carefully.
Domestic sources of biofuels range from maize — what Americans call corn — to broken rice, rotten potatoes, sugarcane and molasses. These first-generation sources of ethanol achieve 30 percent to 40 percent reduction in carbon emissions.
Homegrown clean-tech companies are investing billions of dollars in second-generation bioethanol. Hyderabad-based AM Green has acquired a Finnish technology company to extract green fuel and chemicals from bamboo, grass and bagasse, the pulp of crushed sugarcane stalks. Blending gasoline with 2G ethanol can cut carbon emissions by 90 percent. The bigger advantage is that these fuel sources do not compete with food.
That is not true of corn. Amid low global oil prices, there is no economic case for India to grow a new dependency on an imported fuel-mixer that would leave its own farmers earning less from crop residues. They will, in turn, want higher subsidies for their main produce. Politically, they are too important a constituency for their demand to be ignored. Farmers in the country’s north are asking for legally guaranteed minimum prices. So far, the Modi administration has resisted the pressure, but caving in to Trump on ethanol could spawn fresh unease.
MODIFIED FOOD
Washington is also pushing New Delhi to allow genetically modified (GM) food, especially corn and soybean, its two biggest farm exports by volume. India allowed GM cotton in more than 20 years ago — but that is where it drew the line.
Food security for 1.4 billion people is a strategic concern and policymakers are not keen to let multinational seed companies be in control. Even a locally developed variant of mustard, which received its environment clearance three years ago, is stuck in a legal limbo.
Yet, here a concession might be in India’s own interest. The population has already been exposed to modified soybean and canola seeds via imported edible oils. Besides, China, the second-largest seed market after the US, has already laid down a clear roadmap for GM crops. Farmers’ organizations in India want to follow the same path.
A boost to farm productivity might help lower urban factory workers’ inflation expectations by making food prices less volatile. That would keep a tighter lid on manufacturing wages without any drop in living standards. Assembling iPhones in India could become more competitive — even with the threat of Trump’s tariffs.
Andy Mukherjee is a Bloomberg Opinion columnist covering industrial companies and financial services in Asia. Previously, he worked for Reuters, the Straits Times and Bloomberg News. This column reflects the personal views of the author and does not necessarily reflect the opinion of the editorial board or Bloomberg LP and its owners.
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