Last month, 41 US states sued Meta Platforms Inc, accusing the parent company of Facebook and Instagram of knowingly and deliberately designing addictive features that harm children and contribute to young people’s mental health problems. The attorneys general of the states said in a joint lawsuit that Meta uses misleading marketing to foster addictive behavior in kids and teens and profit off them.
Meta is no stranger to lawsuits and controversy. From the US to Europe and Asia, the tech giant has been accused of multiple consumer protection, data privacy and antitrust contraventions over the years. However, the latest lawsuit is one of the largest of its kind and could have a greater-than-expected effect on social media companies as a whole if Meta is held accountable.
Moreover, it highlights a growing concern in the US about the phenomenon of social media addiction among adolescents. It also signals that legal action must be taken to address dependency on social media, as the impact on young people’s mental health is too serious to be ignored.
According to psychiatric experts, social media addiction refers to one’s behavior being inordinately concerned about social media or driven by an uncontrollable urge to use social media. By devoting so much time to social media, this behavioral addiction has negatively affected the daily lives of many children, with some even developing physical and mental health problems, experts say.
A study published in 2017 by the scientific journal PLOS One found that 4.5 percent of adolescents in the US had a social media addiction, with low self-esteem and high levels of depression. Meanwhile, the Wall Street Journal reported in November 2021 that Facebook’s own research identified 12 percent of its users engaging in compulsive use of social media, which had affected their sleep, work, parenting or relationships.
Other studies in the US in recent years have also demonstrated that severe psychological problems — including depression, anxiety, insomnia, disruptions to education and daily life, and many other negative emotions — have resulted from excessive social media use by children. In the complaints filed by the US states against Meta, they said the company’s social media platforms “exploit psychological vulnerabilities of young users” to keep kids engaged in the networking sites for the next story, image or video, while “ignoring the next piece of social content could lead to social isolation.”
In Taiwan, a survey conducted by the Child Welfare League Foundation in late 2021 showed that 86.9 percent of adolescents reported experiencing “fear of missing out” (FOMO) from social media — far higher than the 69 percent recorded in separate surveys in the US.
FOMO refers to people who are always worried about whether they have missed any information, so they tend to spend more time scrolling social media out of a need to feel welcomed by others. Most importantly they cannot stop checking and refreshing networking sites. As the number of social media users increases, so does the number of people who experience FOMO.
Social media addiction has become a new epidemic of the century. It is hard to imagine that Taiwan would address this issue like the US by filing lawsuits against social media companies directly, therefore it requires collective efforts by individuals, parents and schools to help reduce the risks associated with the dangers of addictive behavior. While completely avoiding social media might be impossible for most people nowadays, setting time limits on social media usage and developing interests and hobbies are steps that could be taken to avoid addiction.
Taiwan should reject two flawed answers to the Eswatini controversy: that diplomatic allies no longer matter, or that they must be preserved at any cost. The sustainable answer is to maintain formal diplomatic relations while redesigning development relationships around transparency, local ownership and democratic accountability. President William Lai’s (賴清德) canceled trip to Eswatini has elicited two predictable reactions in Taiwan. One camp has argued that the episode proves Taiwan must double down on support for every remaining diplomatic ally, because Beijing is tightening the screws, and formal recognition is too scarce to risk. The other says the opposite: If maintaining
India’s semiconductor strategy is undergoing a quiet, but significant, recalibration. With the rollout of India Semiconductor Mission (ISM) 2.0, New Delhi is signaling a shift away from ambition-driven leaps toward a more grounded, capability-led approach rooted in industrial realities and institutional learning. Rather than attempting to enter the most advanced nodes immediately, India has chosen to prioritize mature technologies in the 28-nanometer to 65-nanometer range. That would not be a retreat, but a strategic alignment with domestic capabilities, market demand and global supply chain gaps. The shift carries the imprimatur of Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi, indicating that the recalibration is
Chinese Nationalist Party (KMT) Chairwoman Cheng Li-wun (鄭麗文), during an interview for the podcast Lanshuan Time (蘭萱時間) released on Monday, said that a US professor had said that she deserved to be nominated for the Nobel Peace Prize following her meeting earlier this month with Chinese President Xi Jinping (習近平). Cheng’s “journey of peace” has garnered attention from overseas and from within Taiwan. The latest My Formosa poll, conducted last week after the Cheng-Xi meeting, shows that Cheng’s approval rating is 31.5 percent, up 7.6 percentage points compared with the month before. The same poll showed that 44.5 percent of respondents
China last week announced that it picked two Pakistani astronauts for its Tiangong space station mission, indicating the maturation of the two nations’ relationship from terrestrial infrastructure cooperation to extraterrestrial strategic domains. For Taiwan and India, the developments present an opportunity for democratic collaboration in space, particularly regarding dual-use technologies and the normative frameworks for outer space governance. Sino-Pakistani space cooperation dates back to the end of the Cold War in the 1990s, with a cooperative agreement between the Pakistani Space & Upper Atmosphere Research Commission, and the Chinese Ministry of Aerospace Industry. Space cooperation was integrated into the China-Pakistan