I was once invited by the New York-based Gheelan Association of USA to give an after-dinner speech. During the dinner, a member asked me what I thought of then-premier Frank Hsieh’s (謝長廷) “constitutional one China” idea.
I replied with my own question: What does “constitutional one China” mean?
This was met with laughter from some of the people around the table. They thought it odd that they possessed a fuller grasp of Taiwanese current affairs than a Taiwanese living in Taiwan.
Many expat Taiwanese entrepreneurs and businesspeople take a deep interest in the future of their mother country and the association is just such an organization.
Hsieh was attempting to break the ice and start a relationship with Beijing.
However, because his proposal of a “constitutional one China” ran contrary to then-president Chen Shui-bian’s (陳水扁) policy of “one country on each side” of the Taiwan Strait, it was not long before he was forced to step down.
Many Taiwanese academics have furthered their careers overseas and achieved significant accomplishments in the international academic community.
They take a keen interest in their native land, and many are willing to sacrifice the superior academic environment of the US to return to Taiwan to devote themselves to burnishing Taiwan’s academic credentials.
Nobel Prize-winning chemist Lee Yuan-tseh (李遠哲) is a good example of this. With the prize under his belt, Lee could have stayed in the US to continue his research and lead a comfortable life. Instead, he gave up his US nationality for the sake of his native country and took the role of president of Academia Sinica.
During the 12 years that Lee was at the helm from 1994 to 2006, he persuaded first-rate foreign-born and overseas Taiwanese academics to return to continue their research.
This list includes viral disease specialist and Academia Sinica researcher Michael Lai (賴明詔), Academia Sinica Institute of Physics research fellow Tsong Tien-tzou (鄭天佐), former Academia Sinica vice president Sunney Chan (陳長謙), anthropologist Chang Kwang-chih (張光直) and many others.
Lai has said that the experience of defeating SARS was a key turning point that encouraged him to return to Taiwan.
Today, Taiwan’s approach to defeating COVID-19 has turned it into a model for public health policy in the international scientific community.
Indeed, many Taiwanese academics returned home to help fight the virus.
Over the past three years of the COVID-19 pandemic, Taiwan’s successes in combating the virus have elevated the nation’s status in the international academic community. Taiwanese scientists such as Lai have made vital contributions to the global pandemic response.
Today, the nation faces challenges and existential threats. Taiwan’s survival depends on the combined efforts of Taiwanese at home and abroad.
Taiwanese who have not lived abroad should thank the selfless actions of the many academics and scientists who returned home to give back to their nation.
Paul Li is a research fellow at Academia Sinica.
Translated by Edward Jones
Jan. 1 marks a decade since China repealed its one-child policy. Just 10 days before, Peng Peiyun (彭珮雲), who long oversaw the often-brutal enforcement of China’s family-planning rules, died at the age of 96, having never been held accountable for her actions. Obituaries praised Peng for being “reform-minded,” even though, in practice, she only perpetuated an utterly inhumane policy, whose consequences have barely begun to materialize. It was Vice Premier Chen Muhua (陳慕華) who first proposed the one-child policy in 1979, with the endorsement of China’s then-top leaders, Chen Yun (陳雲) and Deng Xiaoping (鄧小平), as a means of avoiding the
The last foreign delegation Nicolas Maduro met before he went to bed Friday night (January 2) was led by China’s top Latin America diplomat. “I had a pleasant meeting with Qiu Xiaoqi (邱小琪), Special Envoy of President Xi Jinping (習近平),” Venezuela’s soon-to-be ex-president tweeted on Telegram, “and we reaffirmed our commitment to the strategic relationship that is progressing and strengthening in various areas for building a multipolar world of development and peace.” Judging by how minutely the Central Intelligence Agency was monitoring Maduro’s every move on Friday, President Trump himself was certainly aware of Maduro’s felicitations to his Chinese guest. Just
A recent piece of international news has drawn surprisingly little attention, yet it deserves far closer scrutiny. German industrial heavyweight Siemens Mobility has reportedly outmaneuvered long-entrenched Chinese competitors in Southeast Asian infrastructure to secure a strategic partnership with Vietnam’s largest private conglomerate, Vingroup. The agreement positions Siemens to participate in the construction of a high-speed rail link between Hanoi and Ha Long Bay. German media were blunt in their assessment: This was not merely a commercial win, but has symbolic significance in “reshaping geopolitical influence.” At first glance, this might look like a routine outcome of corporate bidding. However, placed in
China often describes itself as the natural leader of the global south: a power that respects sovereignty, rejects coercion and offers developing countries an alternative to Western pressure. For years, Venezuela was held up — implicitly and sometimes explicitly — as proof that this model worked. Today, Venezuela is exposing the limits of that claim. Beijing’s response to the latest crisis in Venezuela has been striking not only for its content, but for its tone. Chinese officials have abandoned their usual restrained diplomatic phrasing and adopted language that is unusually direct by Beijing’s standards. The Chinese Ministry of Foreign Affairs described the