Beijing’s choice of representative to attend the inauguration of South Korean President Yoon Suk-yeol on Tuesday provides a fascinating insight into the shifting sands of Northeast Asian geopolitics.
On Saturday last week, Chinese Ministry of Foreign Affairs spokesman Zhao Lijian (趙立堅) announced that Chinese Vice President Wang Qishan (王岐山) was to attend the inauguration ceremony on behalf of Chinese President Xi Jinping (習近平).
In 2013, then-Chinese vice premier Liu Yandong (劉延東), who was also a member of the Chinese Communist Party’s Central Political Bureau, attended former South Korean president Park Geun-hye’s inauguration.
For the inauguration of former South Korean president Lee Myung-bak in 2008, then-Chinese state councilor Tang Jiaxuan (唐家璇) attended. In 2003, then-Chinese vice premier Qian Qichen (錢其琛) attended the inauguration of former South Korean president Roh Moo-hyun.
Wang’s attendance marks the first time that Beijing has sent a representative as high-ranking as a vice president to a South Korean presidential inauguration.
From Xi’s choice to send Wang, who is highly conversant in North Korean affairs, it is possible to infer that the election of a pro-US, Japan-friendly South Korean president has touched a raw nerve in Pyongyang.
North Korea has in the past few months conducted a series of ballistic missile tests, significantly elevating tensions on the Korean Peninsula as the Russian invasion of Ukraine continues to rage in Europe.
The stability of the Korean Peninsula is of paramount importance to Beijing. Viewed from the perspective of regional strategy, the area, which shares a border with China, is analogous to the territorial relationship between Russia and Ukraine.
This is why Beijing felt it necessary to dispatch such a high-ranking official to the inauguration and obtain a personal assessment of the leadership group surrounding South Korea’s new president. Xi aims to better understand what Yoon’s intentions are regarding Seoul’s northern neighbor.
With Japanese Prime Minister Fumio Kishida siding with the US over Russia’s invasion of Ukraine, Moscow announced that it would send military reinforcements to the disputed Kuril Islands, which Tokyo claims were illegally occupied by the Soviet Union at the end of World War II.
The situation in Northeast Asia, already tense, might be about to worsen significantly: China, North Korea, South Korea, Japan, Russia and the US might be gearing up for a six-way tug-of-war competition.
Jason Lee has a doctorate in international politics from National Chung Hsing University.
Translated by Edward Jones
The gutting of Voice of America (VOA) and Radio Free Asia (RFA) by US President Donald Trump’s administration poses a serious threat to the global voice of freedom, particularly for those living under authoritarian regimes such as China. The US — hailed as the model of liberal democracy — has the moral responsibility to uphold the values it champions. In undermining these institutions, the US risks diminishing its “soft power,” a pivotal pillar of its global influence. VOA Tibetan and RFA Tibetan played an enormous role in promoting the strong image of the US in and outside Tibet. On VOA Tibetan,
On a quiet lane in Taipei’s central Daan District (大安), an otherwise unremarkable high-rise is marked by a police guard and a tawdry A4 printout from the Ministry of Foreign Affairs indicating an “embassy area.” Keen observers would see the emblem of the Holy See, one of Taiwan’s 12 so-called “diplomatic allies.” Unlike Taipei’s other embassies and quasi-consulates, no national flag flies there, nor is there a plaque indicating what country’s embassy this is. Visitors hoping to sign a condolence book for the late Pope Francis would instead have to visit the Italian Trade Office, adjacent to Taipei 101. The death of
By now, most of Taiwan has heard Taipei Mayor Chiang Wan-an’s (蔣萬安) threats to initiate a vote of no confidence against the Cabinet. His rationale is that the Democratic Progressive Party (DPP)-led government’s investigation into alleged signature forgery in the Chinese Nationalist Party’s (KMT) recall campaign constitutes “political persecution.” I sincerely hope he goes through with it. The opposition currently holds a majority in the Legislative Yuan, so the initiation of a no-confidence motion and its passage should be entirely within reach. If Chiang truly believes that the government is overreaching, abusing its power and targeting political opponents — then
As the highest elected official in the nation’s capital, Taipei Mayor Chiang Wan-an (蔣萬安) is the Chinese Nationalist Party’s (KMT) candidate-in-waiting for a presidential bid. With the exception of Taichung Mayor Lu Shiow-yen (盧秀燕), Chiang is the most likely KMT figure to take over the mantle of the party leadership. All the other usual suspects, from Legislative Speaker Han Kuo-yu (韓國瑜) to New Taipei City Mayor Hou You-yi (侯友宜) to KMT Chairman Eric Chu (朱立倫) have already been rejected at the ballot box. Given such high expectations, Chiang should be demonstrating resolve, calm-headedness and political wisdom in how he faces tough