The international democratic community is worried about China’s “wolf warrior” role, which has been condemned by many countries. The US, which used to think that appeasing China through engagement could guarantee stability and peace, finally started to change its tune during the administration of former US president Donald Trump.
Japan, which has always patiently complied with China’s demands, also began to change while former Japanese prime minister Shinzo Abe was at the helm.
Italy, which was the first G7 member state to join China’s Belt and Road Initiative, seems to have woken up from its China dream.
Former communist bloc members the Czech Republic, Lithuania, Poland and Slovakia have also made about-faces and are saying “no” to China.
By comparison, Germany might be the biggest and most confusing anomaly.
Communist China under President Xi Jinping (習近平) is throwing its growing military weight around. As well as having a dictatorial personality cult around Xi, it is lighting fires everywhere in the region, be it the Taiwan Strait, the Diaoyutai Islands (釣魚台) or the India-China border.
Today’s China is coming to resemble Adolf Hitler’s Nazi regime, which gave Germany a short-lived glimpse of glory before dragging it into long years of war, ruin and collapse.
How paradoxical it is that the country under the leadership of former German chancellor Angela Merkel, who was born and grew up in communist East Germany, on the one hand treated the country’s Nazi past as a painful memory, but on the other walked arm in arm with Xi’s communist China for the sake of profit.
In the international arena, any talk of keeping politics separate from economics is mere self-deception.
Hungarian-American investor and philanthropist George Soros wrote: “I consider Xi Jinping the most dangerous enemy of open societies in the world.”
At a time when the US, Australia and Canada are experiencing economic friction with China, and when a European Parliament delegation sent out the message that appeasing Beijing would encourage the aggressor, Germany, itself a member of the EU, still appears to be getting along well with “quasi-Nazi” China.
For example, according to Deutsche Welle, an investigative report published on Nov. 6 by German public broadcaster ARD and the Welt am Sonntag weekly newspaper revealed that two German manufacturers had exported “dual-use” (military or civil) engines to China that were eventually found to be installed in warships.
Should this kind of “dancing with wolves” be promoted and praised, or should it be resisted and condemned? Will it ultimately bring stability and harmony to the international community, or will it bring discord and disaster?
Merkel, who was on Oct. 26 formally dismissed from her post and has since taken over an acting role until a new government is formed, is regarded around the world as China-friendly.
Post-Merkel Germany is to reach a critical moment of choice — will it turn back to the camp of democracies and stand in opposition to communist China, or will it continue to nonchalantly chime in with Beijing, nurturing and strengthening China in the hope of reaping all the benefits and emerging unscathed in the event of any blowback?
It might not be long before we find out.
Chang Kuo-tsai is a retired associate professor at National Hsinchu University of Education.
Translated by Julian Clegg
The White House’s decision to take a 9.9 percent stake in Intel Corp is looking like very shrewd business indeed. Since the government bought in at US$20.47 a share last August, the US chipmaker’s surging stock price has delivered the US a US$43 billion return. One of the reasons the investment has so far proved so sound is that the White House has made sure of it. According to The Wall Street Journal, Howard personally pushed deals on Intel’s behalf with some of the most lucrative clients imaginable. They include Nvidia Corp, the company at the heart of the AI
A single photograph can cut through a lot of noise, but it can also be used to misrepresent the truth. At the very least, it can concentrate the mind on something that requires further investigation. On Monday last week, Ma Ying-jeou Foundation CEO Tai Hsia-ling (戴遐齡) and former National Security Council secretary-general King Pu-tsung (金溥聰) held a news conference in which they showed a photograph of former foundation CEO Hsiao Hsu-tsen (蕭旭岑), now Chinese Nationalist Party (KMT) deputy chairman. In the image Hsiao is seated next to Xiamen Taiwan Businessmen Association chairman Han Ying-huan (韓螢煥). The two men were holding
I first met Professor Ray Jiing (井迎瑞) as a film and documentary student at Shih Hsin University’s (SHU) Department of Radio Television and Film in 1988. The following year, he went on to become the director of the Chinese Taipei Film Archive — forerunner of the Taiwan Film and Audiovisual Institute (TFAI). Over his eight-year tenure, Jiing rescued and restored over 200 classic Taiwanese films. In 1997, he established the Graduate Institute of Studies in Documentary and Film Archiving at Tainan National University of the Arts (TNNUA), and I joined the program in his third cohort of students. Beyond a
President William Lai Ching-te’s (賴清德) May 20 second-anniversary address was not just a routine policy review; it was damage control. US President Donald Trump’s remarks — that he did not want to see anyone move toward independence and that the delivery of a major Taiwan arms package could depend on the progress of US-China relations — unsettled Taiwan’s public and created an opening for opposition parties to question whether Taiwan was being treated as a bargaining chip in Washington’s dealings with Beijing. Lai’s speech was designed to close that opening. The address covered the expected ground: sovereignty, cross-strait relations, defense spending,