During the 228 Peace Memorial Day long weekend, I thought that the congestion on the nation’s freeways would ease on the second day, but I was wrong.
Maybe because I hit the road at the wrong time, I found myself trapped in a traffic jam not long after I entered the southbound lane of the Sun Yat-sen Freeway (Freeway No. 1) in Taoyuan’s Neili (內壢).
At the time, I thought that taking the Sibin Expressway (Highway No. 61) might be a faster option.
I left the freeway at the next exit and entered the expressway in Guanyin District (觀音). As expected, as soon as I got on the elevated section between Guanyin and Sinwu District (新屋), my journey became much smoother.
However, it only took me a few minutes to find out how bumpy the road was — the road had been patched and the surface was very uneven.
I also had to share the road with dump trucks and big motorcycles, some sections were on the same level and parallel to other roads, there were speed cameras, and the speed limits varied between sections.
All in all, my experience was that you cannot drive very fast on the expressway, and you constantly have to worry about safety — there could be hidden dangers everywhere, including dogs, scooters and cars getting on by mistake in sections where it runs along other roads.
Although driving on the expressway all the way to Hsinchu was much quicker than it would have been on the freeway, I was constantly on tenterhooks.
There have been many setbacks to the construction of the expressway. It was designed in 1991, and construction was planned to be carried out in multiple sections at the same time, but today, almost 30 years later, it still is not completed.
Its original ground-level design was later changed to an elevated one in some sections due to safety concerns and to connect it to other expressways.
It is a favorite route for dump trucks, so there are many potholes, and road maintenance can never catch up with the damage.
Due to the poor quality of its surface, a serious crash involving several vehicles occurred on the expressway last month.
However, its importance as an alternative to the freeways along the west coast during holidays and long weekends is increasing.
More effective management measures must be implemented to improve traffic control, such as limiting the time and sections that can be used by dump trucks, and designating lanes for different classes of vehicles and speeds. For example, the inner lane could be limited to cars and big motorcycles, with a speed limit of 90kph to 100kph, and the outer lane could be limited to dump trucks and slower vehicles, with a speed limit of 70kph.
As for the ground-level sections, the speed limit should in general be 70kph. Punishment for traffic rule contraventions should be more proactive and comprehensive.
Barriers for animals or other intruders should be installed to reduce the risk of them suddenly appearing in front of drivers, and more haze detectors should be installed to ensure driving safety.
Sibin Expressway is sometimes called the “freeway for the poor,” but it is like any other toll-free highway, because the poor cannot afford a vehicle.
Based on the user-pays principle, the Ministry of Transportation and Communications should consider making the expressway a toll road to ensure that there are enough funds for its maintenance, with flexible toll fees adjusted depending on the time of day.
Otherwise, the expressway might soon become a dangerous road prone to severe accidents due to mismanagement.
The vision for the expressway was that it should be a “blue highway” along the west coast, but due to inconsistencies in policy and design, drivers cannot enjoy the beautiful coastal scenery.
Chen Tsu-hui is an assistant professor.
Translated by Lin Lee-kai
With the Year of the Snake reaching its conclusion on Monday next week, now is an opportune moment to reflect on the past year — a year marked by institutional strain and national resilience. For Taiwan, the Year of the Snake was a composite of political friction, economic momentum, social unease and strategic consolidation. In the political sphere, it was defined less by legislative productivity and more by partisan confrontation. The mass recall movement sought to remove 31 Chinese Nationalist Party (KMT) legislators following the passage of controversial bills that expanded legislative powers and imposed sweeping budget cuts. While the effort
There is a story in India about a boy called Prahlad who was an ardent worshipper of Lord Narayana, whom his father considered an enemy. His son’s devotion vexed the father to the extent that he asked his sister, Holika, who could not be burned by fire, to sit with the boy in her lap and burn him to death. Prahlad knew about this evil plan, but sat in his aunt’s lap anyway. His faith won, as he remained unscathed by the fire, while his aunt was devoured by the flames. In some small way, Prahlad reminds me of Taiwan
When Hong Kong’s High Court sentenced newspaper owner Jimmy Lai (黎智英) to 20 years in prison this week, officials declared that his “heinous crimes” had long poisoned society and that his punishment represented justice restored. In their telling, Lai is the mastermind of Hong Kong’s unrest — the architect of a vast conspiracy that manipulated an otherwise contented population into defiance. They imply that removing him would lead to the return of stability. It is a politically convenient narrative — and a profoundly false one. Lai did not radicalize Hong Kong. He belonged to the same generation that fled from the Chinese
Former Hong Kong media magnate Jimmy Lai (黎智英), who on Monday was sentenced to 20 years in jail for his role in the 2019 Hong Kong democracy movement and “colluding with foreign forces,” once called on members of the US government for support in his struggle against the Chinese Communist Party (CCP). Speaking to a forum at the Foundation for Defense of Democracies in July 2019, Lai, speaking about the US having the moral authority over the CCP, said: “It’s like they are going to battle without any weapon, and you have the nuclear weapon. You can finish them in