You would expect financial institutions to understand investing in assets that deliver outsize returns.
When it comes to biodiversity and the broader category of natural capital, most investors still behave as if these assets were unlimited, even as they are being depleted or destroyed. They continue to assume that the services these assets provide are free, even as the COVID-19 pandemic shows the almost limitless cost of ignoring human encroachment on the natural world.
Human-induced decline in the natural environment is a fact, and it is happening fast.
This year’s Living Planet report published by the WWF showed an average decrease of 68 percent in wildlife population sizes between 1970 and 2016.
Inevitably, where populations crash, extinction follows.
According to the Intergovernmental Science-Policy Platform on Biodiversity and Ecosystem Services, about 1 million species — or about one-quarter of all assessed animal and plant groups — face the threat of extinction within decades unless action is taken to mitigate the drivers of biodiversity loss.
Aware of such wildlife population declines and projections of extinction, politicians often call for action, but stop short of implementing the necessary measures.
Yet, as is clear from the response to climate change, if citizens engage and apply pressure on their leaders, inaction becomes too politically costly.
European policymakers decided to embrace bold action on climate change through measures ranging from binding renewable-energy targets to carbon pricing, because they knew that it was their responsibility to avoid the massive disruption that awaited a world that had heated up by several degrees Celsius.
Fortunately, the future of biodiversity might soon benefit from similar decisions — and the opportunities they imply.
Politics and science are rapidly converging on loss of biodiversity and natural capital broadly. The existence and the causes of the problem are recognized in politics.
However, given dramatically weakened budgets, governments might not be able to pay for the next stage, in which the issue is actually addressed.
Regulators are prodding financial institutions toward the reporting and disclosure standards that would make green investments more transparent and attract much-needed private capital.
Markets see and are responding to this change: Total assets under management in funds emphasizing environmental, social and governance factors rose to US$1.1 trillion in the second quarter of this year. Civil society is also making its voice heard and calling for faster change.
Last month, Portfolio Earth released its Bankrolling Extinction report, in which it calculated the exposure of 50 of the world’s biggest banks to particular “biodiversity impact” sectors, including agriculture, forestry, mining, fisheries, infrastructure and transport.
The exposure of the top three banks — the Bank of America, Citigroup and JPMorgan Chase & Co — alone exceeded US$550 billion last year, and loans and underwriting in these sectors by all 50 surpassed US$2.6 trillion.
Very few of the banks assessed had introduced reporting systems to measure the impact of their loans and underwriting on biodiversity, a first step toward reducing adverse effects.
Moreover, aside from a few leading European banks, very few blocked the financing of companies causing the most harm.
The Bankrolling Extinction report highlights the financial system’s weaknesses and suggests banks’ balance sheets are at risk.
That risk reflects biodiversity damage, which threatens to reduce output — for example, food output, owing to shrinking fisheries — and the prospect of new regulations, which could devalue commercial investments such as forestry and mining concessions.
As the report shows, financial institutions’ reputations are also at risk.
At Finance for Biodiversity, we believe that radical systemic change is needed to reform rules, rights and norms. Last month, we made several recommendations that we hope can guide leaders in the field.
Financial institutions might implement many of these changes themselves, which could create an early-mover advantage, or do so once regulators make them mandatory.
These include measuring and disclosing their activities’ effects on biodiversity and stress-testing the expected risks.
By making such risk data available, lenders can help companies, citizens, regulators and governments join the dots between biodiversity loss and the real economy, thereby identifying risks and opportunities, and heading off a biodiversity-related financial crisis.
Policymakers should step up in three ways.
First, they should assess the effects of their own actions on biodiversity, for example, through corporate bond purchases via quantitative easing by central banks.
Second, financial regulators should sharpen their prudential role in scrutinizing domestically domiciled institutions’ biodiversity exposure and impacts.
Third, policymakers should use the conditions and rules for licensing financial firms to change industry norms.
Governments should reform legal systems to remove financial institutions’ shield, and extend companies’ liability for biodiversity loss to their bankers and other creditors.
Holding financial institutions legally responsible for damage caused by the use of their capital is hardly unprecedented. Authorities investigating crime and human rights offenses routinely impose financial sanctions when local or international laws are unfit for purpose.
Biodiversity can be made more important in financial decisions only by adopting systemic changes that recognize the interconnectedness of our society, economy and planet. Only such changes can reduce pressure on biodiversity and reveal the financial opportunities to be gained from preserving our natural resources.
Robin Smale, director and cofounder of Vivid Economics, is a leadership group member of the Finance for Biodiversity Initiative.
Copyright: Project Syndicate
Recently, China launched another diplomatic offensive against Taiwan, improperly linking its “one China principle” with UN General Assembly Resolution 2758 to constrain Taiwan’s diplomatic space. After Taiwan’s presidential election on Jan. 13, China persuaded Nauru to sever diplomatic ties with Taiwan. Nauru cited Resolution 2758 in its declaration of the diplomatic break. Subsequently, during the WHO Executive Board meeting that month, Beijing rallied countries including Venezuela, Zimbabwe, Belarus, Egypt, Nicaragua, Sri Lanka, Laos, Russia, Syria and Pakistan to reiterate the “one China principle” in their statements, and assert that “Resolution 2758 has settled the status of Taiwan” to hinder Taiwan’s
Singaporean Prime Minister Lee Hsien Loong’s (李顯龍) decision to step down after 19 years and hand power to his deputy, Lawrence Wong (黃循財), on May 15 was expected — though, perhaps, not so soon. Most political analysts had been eyeing an end-of-year handover, to ensure more time for Wong to study and shadow the role, ahead of general elections that must be called by November next year. Wong — who is currently both deputy prime minister and minister of finance — would need a combination of fresh ideas, wisdom and experience as he writes the nation’s next chapter. The world that
Can US dialogue and cooperation with the communist dictatorship in Beijing help avert a Taiwan Strait crisis? Or is US President Joe Biden playing into Chinese President Xi Jinping’s (習近平) hands? With America preoccupied with the wars in Europe and the Middle East, Biden is seeking better relations with Xi’s regime. The goal is to responsibly manage US-China competition and prevent unintended conflict, thereby hoping to create greater space for the two countries to work together in areas where their interests align. The existing wars have already stretched US military resources thin, and the last thing Biden wants is yet another war.
Since the Russian invasion of Ukraine in February 2022, people have been asking if Taiwan is the next Ukraine. At a G7 meeting of national leaders in January, Japanese Prime Minister Fumio Kishida warned that Taiwan “could be the next Ukraine” if Chinese aggression is not checked. NATO Secretary-General Jens Stoltenberg has said that if Russia is not defeated, then “today, it’s Ukraine, tomorrow it can be Taiwan.” China does not like this rhetoric. Its diplomats ask people to stop saying “Ukraine today, Taiwan tomorrow.” However, the rhetoric and stated ambition of Chinese President Xi Jinping (習近平) on Taiwan shows strong parallels with