You would expect financial institutions to understand investing in assets that deliver outsize returns.
When it comes to biodiversity and the broader category of natural capital, most investors still behave as if these assets were unlimited, even as they are being depleted or destroyed. They continue to assume that the services these assets provide are free, even as the COVID-19 pandemic shows the almost limitless cost of ignoring human encroachment on the natural world.
Human-induced decline in the natural environment is a fact, and it is happening fast.
This year’s Living Planet report published by the WWF showed an average decrease of 68 percent in wildlife population sizes between 1970 and 2016.
Inevitably, where populations crash, extinction follows.
According to the Intergovernmental Science-Policy Platform on Biodiversity and Ecosystem Services, about 1 million species — or about one-quarter of all assessed animal and plant groups — face the threat of extinction within decades unless action is taken to mitigate the drivers of biodiversity loss.
Aware of such wildlife population declines and projections of extinction, politicians often call for action, but stop short of implementing the necessary measures.
Yet, as is clear from the response to climate change, if citizens engage and apply pressure on their leaders, inaction becomes too politically costly.
European policymakers decided to embrace bold action on climate change through measures ranging from binding renewable-energy targets to carbon pricing, because they knew that it was their responsibility to avoid the massive disruption that awaited a world that had heated up by several degrees Celsius.
Fortunately, the future of biodiversity might soon benefit from similar decisions — and the opportunities they imply.
Politics and science are rapidly converging on loss of biodiversity and natural capital broadly. The existence and the causes of the problem are recognized in politics.
However, given dramatically weakened budgets, governments might not be able to pay for the next stage, in which the issue is actually addressed.
Regulators are prodding financial institutions toward the reporting and disclosure standards that would make green investments more transparent and attract much-needed private capital.
Markets see and are responding to this change: Total assets under management in funds emphasizing environmental, social and governance factors rose to US$1.1 trillion in the second quarter of this year. Civil society is also making its voice heard and calling for faster change.
Last month, Portfolio Earth released its Bankrolling Extinction report, in which it calculated the exposure of 50 of the world’s biggest banks to particular “biodiversity impact” sectors, including agriculture, forestry, mining, fisheries, infrastructure and transport.
The exposure of the top three banks — the Bank of America, Citigroup and JPMorgan Chase & Co — alone exceeded US$550 billion last year, and loans and underwriting in these sectors by all 50 surpassed US$2.6 trillion.
Very few of the banks assessed had introduced reporting systems to measure the impact of their loans and underwriting on biodiversity, a first step toward reducing adverse effects.
Moreover, aside from a few leading European banks, very few blocked the financing of companies causing the most harm.
The Bankrolling Extinction report highlights the financial system’s weaknesses and suggests banks’ balance sheets are at risk.
That risk reflects biodiversity damage, which threatens to reduce output — for example, food output, owing to shrinking fisheries — and the prospect of new regulations, which could devalue commercial investments such as forestry and mining concessions.
As the report shows, financial institutions’ reputations are also at risk.
At Finance for Biodiversity, we believe that radical systemic change is needed to reform rules, rights and norms. Last month, we made several recommendations that we hope can guide leaders in the field.
Financial institutions might implement many of these changes themselves, which could create an early-mover advantage, or do so once regulators make them mandatory.
These include measuring and disclosing their activities’ effects on biodiversity and stress-testing the expected risks.
By making such risk data available, lenders can help companies, citizens, regulators and governments join the dots between biodiversity loss and the real economy, thereby identifying risks and opportunities, and heading off a biodiversity-related financial crisis.
Policymakers should step up in three ways.
First, they should assess the effects of their own actions on biodiversity, for example, through corporate bond purchases via quantitative easing by central banks.
Second, financial regulators should sharpen their prudential role in scrutinizing domestically domiciled institutions’ biodiversity exposure and impacts.
Third, policymakers should use the conditions and rules for licensing financial firms to change industry norms.
Governments should reform legal systems to remove financial institutions’ shield, and extend companies’ liability for biodiversity loss to their bankers and other creditors.
Holding financial institutions legally responsible for damage caused by the use of their capital is hardly unprecedented. Authorities investigating crime and human rights offenses routinely impose financial sanctions when local or international laws are unfit for purpose.
Biodiversity can be made more important in financial decisions only by adopting systemic changes that recognize the interconnectedness of our society, economy and planet. Only such changes can reduce pressure on biodiversity and reveal the financial opportunities to be gained from preserving our natural resources.
Robin Smale, director and cofounder of Vivid Economics, is a leadership group member of the Finance for Biodiversity Initiative.
Copyright: Project Syndicate
On May 7, 1971, Henry Kissinger planned his first, ultra-secret mission to China and pondered whether it would be better to meet his Chinese interlocutors “in Pakistan where the Pakistanis would tape the meeting — or in China where the Chinese would do the taping.” After a flicker of thought, he decided to have the Chinese do all the tape recording, translating and transcribing. Fortuitously, historians have several thousand pages of verbatim texts of Dr. Kissinger’s negotiations with his Chinese counterparts. Paradoxically, behind the scenes, Chinese stenographers prepared verbatim English language typescripts faster than they could translate and type them
More than 30 years ago when I immigrated to the US, applied for citizenship and took the 100-question civics test, the one part of the naturalization process that left the deepest impression on me was one question on the N-400 form, which asked: “Have you ever been a member of, involved in or in any way associated with any communist or totalitarian party anywhere in the world?” Answering “yes” could lead to the rejection of your application. Some people might try their luck and lie, but if exposed, the consequences could be much worse — a person could be fined,
Xiaomi Corp founder Lei Jun (雷軍) on May 22 made a high-profile announcement, giving online viewers a sneak peek at the company’s first 3-nanometer mobile processor — the Xring O1 chip — and saying it is a breakthrough in China’s chip design history. Although Xiaomi might be capable of designing chips, it lacks the ability to manufacture them. No matter how beautifully planned the blueprints are, if they cannot be mass-produced, they are nothing more than drawings on paper. The truth is that China’s chipmaking efforts are still heavily reliant on the free world — particularly on Taiwan Semiconductor Manufacturing
Keelung Mayor George Hsieh (謝國樑) of the Chinese Nationalist Party (KMT) on Tuesday last week apologized over allegations that the former director of the city’s Civil Affairs Department had illegally accessed citizens’ data to assist the KMT in its campaign to recall Democratic Progressive Party (DPP) councilors. Given the public discontent with opposition lawmakers’ disruptive behavior in the legislature, passage of unconstitutional legislation and slashing of the central government’s budget, civic groups have launched a massive campaign to recall KMT lawmakers. The KMT has tried to fight back by initiating campaigns to recall DPP lawmakers, but the petition documents they