Wed, Dec 09, 2020 page9

• Slavery will never be history as long as we turn a blind eye toward China

  Consumers do not want to know their stuff is made by forced Uighur labor

  • By Nick Cohen / The Observer
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  Today’s confrontation with the slave trade of the 18th and 19th centuries could puff us up and make us feel better about ourselves were the slave trade of the 21st century not thriving.

  We will remember this year for the crowds taking down statues of Confederate generals and English slavers — of Black Lives Matter protests against slavery’s continuing legacy of condemning African Americans to suffer as their country’s lowest caste.

  So successful has the overdue moment of reckoning been that Hollywood and the leaders of US capitalism have embraced anti-racism.

  

  Illustration: Mountain People

  In the words of its CEO, Tim Cook, Apple was willing to commit to change that would end the “fear, hurt and outrage rightly provoked by the senseless killing of George Floyd and a much longer history of racism.”

  Do not let a leftish sneer form on your lips. Causes only win when the likes of Tim Cook endorse them. The elite’s embrace is a sign of victory.

  However, it is not a victory for today’s slaves.

  Forced labor is an essential part of the Chinese state’s program to humiliate and destroy ethnic minorities. The parallels with the US’ antebellum south reach to the cotton fields.

  The Xinjiang Production and Construction Corps (XPCC) runs prison factories and its own paramilitary force to keep its captives in line.

  It helped create the Chinese cotton industry, which supplies 20 percent of the world’s cotton market and, perhaps, the clothes on your back. XPCC sends forced labor to pick cotton because no one has ever picked cotton unless poverty or slave masters forced them to.

  It is difficult to know what is worse: the backbreaking work or the exposure to pesticides.

  Mechanization might spare conscripts the pain, but Amy K Lehr of the Center for Strategic and International Studies reports that, after scouring the Web sites of Chinese companies and officials for evidence, she was surprised by the amount of cotton still hand-harvested in Xinjiang.

  Perhaps it is not so surprising.

  If the Chinese Communist Party has a reserve army of forced labor, it has no need to spend on technology. Indeed, forced labor allows it to defray the costs of repression.

  You can debate whether it is right to call prison labor “forced” or “slave labor.” In ordinary circumstances, it can be a legitimate part of a criminal’s punishment.

  However, when China has arrested 1 million Muslim Uighurs and Kazakhs, and when it says evidence of their criminality includes “wearing a veil or headscarf” and the “avoidance of alcohol,” and when Han officials sweep up quotas of racial minorities in Xinjiang to break their links with family and culture by sending them to factories far from home, debate feels like obfuscation.

  No one is more determined to obscure than the corporations that boom out their opposition to racism.

  Last month, the Washington Post quoted US congressional staffers as saying that Apple was lobbying against the Uyghur Forced Labor Prevention Act, which would require US companies to guarantee that they do not use imprisoned or coerced workers from Xinjiang.

  The New York Times added that Nike and Coca-Cola were lobbying, too.

  They all condemn forced labor and the ethnic persecution in Xinjiang and, in the words of Apple, say that they have “found no evidence of forced labor” on their production lines.

  Nevertheless, they fear that the act’s ambitious requirements could wreck their supply chains in China.

  If you want to sneer, go ahead. When you have finished, consider why this is not a scandal. Censorship is a part of the answer. The world is scandalized by what the world can see.

  When you think of Xinjiang, what images come to mind? None is my guess.

  China prevents journalists and diplomats from reporting from Xinjiang, except in the most tightly controlled circumstances. Clothing firms once sent auditors to Xinjiang to check forced labor was not in their supply lines, but the authorities started treating them as suspects and they pulled out.

  Think then about the visible smartphones, smart clothes and smart trainers around you. Do consumers want to know where they come from or have their supply disrupted by prohibitions?

  When I read 18th-century Western literature, I am struck by how slavery was so taken for granted that it barely featured in most writers’ work.

  Notions of racial superiority explain the silence, as does the desire for sugar and cotton clothes and the inability to imagine how Europe might get them if slaves were free.

  That feeling has not died. Conservative British lawmakers have told their prime minister to “go to war” against the National Trust, England’s century-old charitable foundation responsible for protecting and maintaining some of the nation’s most precious stately homes, castles and gardens for the visiting public.

  The foundation’s offence was to investigate links between its properties and slavery. By telling the truth about the historical record, the foundation was spoiling conservatives’ pleasure in stately homes.

  Like the Atlantic slave trade, forced labor in China can seem too convenient to challenge. It is one thing to go on a Black Lives Matter demonstration, another to tear up your smartphone contract.

  China, like the old slave power in Britain and the US, can seem so strong and so embedded in global patterns of consumption that taking it on feels a doomed enterprise.

  When I talk to Rahima Mahmut of the World Uyghur Congress, she is close to despair at the cowardice of Turkey, Saudi Arabia, Iran, Indonesia and all the other Muslim-majority countries that stay silent about the persecution of Muslims for love of Chinese money and fear of Chinese retribution.

  However, she is not wholly despondent.

  The mapping of China’s “re-education” camps only began in 2018, she said.

  Whether with forced labor or the overthrow of the rule of law in Hong Kong, the tyrannical turn in Chinese policy is taking time to sink in.

  Last week, British lawmakers in the China Research Group recommended that Britain join with the US and other democracies, not for a cold war, but to ensure basic protections.

  Included among them was the requirement that “supply chains are free from slave or child labor from political prisoners and persecuted ethnic minorities in China.”

  Most might still not want to look, but the world is past the point when it can pretend that slavery is history.
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