Take a look at what is happening in global supply chains: Taiwan has received NT$1.13 trillion (US$39.08 billion) of investment pledges from companies to move parts of their production lines back home; India is emerging as the world’s second-largest smartphone manufacturer, as large companies such as Apple Inc move their operations there; and Japan plans to significantly ramp up a program encouraging businesses to build production sites in Southeast Asia to diversify supply chains out of China.
If there were any doubt about the effects of the US-China trade dispute and the COVID-19 pandemic on the landscape of global supply chains, the news that continues to come through should make it crystal clear: There is an increasing need to make supply chains more flexible and resilient in the post-COVID-19 world.
That is because there is growing awareness that supply chains have become weak and vulnerable to events beyond the control of those who manage or rely on them.
A report issued in August by global consultancy McKinsey & Co — Risk, resilience, and rebalancing in global value chains — indicated that under the threats of trade disputes, cyberattacks, pandemics and a number of climate-related events, companies in the next three to five years might move production of a quarter of global goods to new countries.
Based on McKinsey’s estimate of how much global trade could relocate, 16 to 26 percent of global exports, including pharmaceuticals, apparel, communication equipment and petroleum products — worth US$2.9 trillion to US$4.6 trillion in 2018 — could be in play.
The aforementioned risks often have severe repercussions on how businesses operate. For instance, McKinsey said that companies would need to strike a balance between their “just-in-time” lean production systems and a new “just-in-case” mindset of having sufficient backup inventory of key raw materials and safety stock of finished goods.
This could minimize the financial impact of disrupted supplies, as well as position companies to meet sudden spikes in demand, according to the report, which also suggested that companies deploy digital systems, analytics and cash management tools that could keep production going in the wake of any shocks.
For Taiwanese companies, suppliers in China have long been their major partners, but it appears that those in the home market are their most reliable partners for sourcing products. However, what happens when a shock strikes and they need to reroute production elsewhere?
Facing this uncertainty, Taiwanese companies should give more than a second glance at emerging markets, even though some of these nations have already been targeted by the New Southbound Policy launched by President Tsai Ing-wen (蔡英文) four years ago.
There are clear signs that India, Vietnam and several other Southeast Asian economies are eager to become part of global supply chains — and have invested more in infrastructure and education in the past few years.
In the past two decades, global multinationals have benefited from China’s cheap production costs, but the COVID-19 pandemic has exposed the shortcomings of their over-reliance on Chinese supply chains.
Most businesses are rethinking the importance of diversifying to a broader portfolio of suppliers, hoping that in a disaster, alternate sources can be secured quickly and cost-effectively.
For policymakers, reshaping Taiwan’s supply chain strategies must make flexibility and resilience the focal point, and they should strive to balance risk diversification and production efficiency.
The conflict in the Middle East has been disrupting financial markets, raising concerns about rising inflationary pressures and global economic growth. One market that some investors are particularly worried about has not been heavily covered in the news: the private credit market. Even before the joint US-Israeli attacks on Iran on Feb. 28, global capital markets had faced growing structural pressure — the deteriorating funding conditions in the private credit market. The private credit market is where companies borrow funds directly from nonbank financial institutions such as asset management companies, insurance companies and private lending platforms. Its popularity has risen since
The Donald Trump administration’s approach to China broadly, and to cross-Strait relations in particular, remains a conundrum. The 2025 US National Security Strategy prioritized the defense of Taiwan in a way that surprised some observers of the Trump administration: “Deterring a conflict over Taiwan, ideally by preserving military overmatch, is a priority.” Two months later, Taiwan went entirely unmentioned in the US National Defense Strategy, as did military overmatch vis-a-vis China, giving renewed cause for concern. How to interpret these varying statements remains an open question. In both documents, the Indo-Pacific is listed as a second priority behind homeland defense and
Every analyst watching Iran’s succession crisis is asking who would replace supreme leader Ayatollah Ali Khamenei. Yet, the real question is whether China has learned enough from the Persian Gulf to survive a war over Taiwan. Beijing purchases roughly 90 percent of Iran’s exported crude — some 1.61 million barrels per day last year — and holds a US$400 billion, 25-year cooperation agreement binding it to Tehran’s stability. However, this is not simply the story of a patron protecting an investment. China has spent years engineering a sanctions-evasion architecture that was never really about Iran — it was about Taiwan. The
After “Operation Absolute Resolve” to capture former Venezuelan president Nicolas Maduro, the US joined Israel on Saturday last week in launching “Operation Epic Fury” to remove Iranian supreme leader Ayatollah Ali Khamenei and his theocratic regime leadership team. The two blitzes are widely believed to be a prelude to US President Donald Trump changing the geopolitical landscape in the Indo-Pacific region, targeting China’s rise. In the National Security Strategic report released in December last year, the Trump administration made it clear that the US would focus on “restoring American pre-eminence in the Western hemisphere,” and “competing with China economically and militarily