It has been one month since President Tsai Ing-wen (蔡英文) was sworn in. To judge a new government’s performance based on what it does in the first 30 days is perhaps hasty and inaccurate, but to examine what sort of attitude it has adopted, this is about the right time. It is necessary to analyze the actions, or the lack thereof, of the ruling Democratic Progressive Party (DPP) — which has taken over the presidency, the executive branch and the legislature — from a wider perspective and by a more stringent standard, and the government should not be allowed to make mistakes without correcting them.
In the month since she delivered her well-received and widely acclaimed inaugural address, Tsai has been cautious about foreign relations, while actively seeking domestic reform. As she promised to “maintain the status quo” in cross-strait relations and since Taiwan’s participation in the World Health Assembly (WHA) this year encountered no further obstruction from China, Minister of Health and Welfare Lin Tzou-yien (林奏延) adopted a rather conservative stance when he delivered his remarks at the WHA meeting in Geneva. This angered quite a few Taiwan-centered factions, who thought Lin acted in a cowardly manner, as they thought he did not do enough to present Taiwan as a nation.
He should not be too harshly criticized for that, since the Taiwanese public and the Chinese government were probably the only ones who listened to his five-minute-long remarks in Switzerland.
However, it would probably not have done much harm either if Lin had included greetings from the 23 million people of Taiwan in his remarks.
Just because Taiwan is mindful of its situation on a global scale does not necessarily mean it has to debase itself. Carrying a big burden does not mean that one has to accept humiliation.
Although Tsai mentioned Taiwan numerous times in her inauguration speech, that cannot be used as an excuse for her to mention Taiwan only occasionally, or not at all, in the international arena. China might not enjoy hearing Taiwan being mentioned and might throw a temper tantrum when it hears the name, but the international community might be interested in hearing the government raising a firm voice in support of its sovereignty.
Tsai and the National Security Bureau should always keep in mind that since Taiwanese hold firm convictions about their status as the masters of this nation, the government must be equally adamant in speaking up for the nation’s status and refuse to make compromises.
The DPP administration must also understand that the public’s power of oversight is the most powerful force that it can count on as it tries to deter Beijing’s irrational and tyrannical behavior.
In the meantime, the formulation of Taiwan’s policies in relation to its allies — such as pork imports from the US and fishing rights in disputed territories with Japan — could also include public opinion to build a foundation for optimal policies.
In its first month in office, the Presidential Office, the Executive Yuan and the legislature have all implemented some agreeable and laudable domestic reforms. Here are some of the significant changes that rightly deviate from former president Ma Ying-jeou’s (馬英九) approach:
First, the Ministry of Education abolished the curriculum guideline changes introduced by the previous administration. The ministry also invited students to take part in discussions and made the procedures needed to revise the guidelines more stringent. This is what is right and what should have been done.
Second, Tsai is to issue an official apology to Aborigines, who are Austronesians, on behalf of the nation, and re-establish the quintessential status of Aborigines in the nation’s history, discarding the previous erroneous historic perspective that is centered on Han Chinese and China.
This is important, as it has both symbolic and real significance.
Third, the legislature passed amendments to the Local Government Act (地方制度法), requiring speakers and deputy speakers of local councils to be elected by open ballot to prevent vote rigging.
This measure was a necessary evil to prevent electoral fraud. It is of merit in that it improves the electoral culture, while also ensuring the integrity of the political parties. However, it must be done with great caution to prevent Taiwan from falling into undemocratic voting habits.
Fourth, the operation of the legislature’s Association of Sustainable Development, which was put on hold for the past eight years, is being resumed. This might seem unimportant, but it is a significant move in that it declares once again Taiwan’s strong connection to the ocean and reaffirms that sustainable development is a national goal.
Fifth, after the Presidential Office’s national security staff persuaded the US Congress to pass a resolution to publicly affirm the “six assurances” as a cornerstone of Taiwan-US relations, seven US senators visited Taiwan on June 5. This was extraordinary and could further solidify relations between Taipei and Washington, especially on the matter of arms sales to Taiwan.
US Senator John McCain spoke highly of Taiwan in a speech at the International Institute for Strategic Studies’ Shangri-La Dialogue in Singapore, which showed the US’ confidence in the Tsai administration.
Tsai’s placid, composed and predictable foreign policies have apparently won her the preliminary trust of the US, Japan and the EU.
Here are some suggestions for the new government to consider for the next month:
First, in the face of China’s relentless intimidation and provocation — such as its reduction of Chinese tourists allowed to travel to Taiwan, probable prohibitions on Chinese students studying in Taiwan and its termination of communications between the Straits Exchange Foundation and China’s Association for Relations Across the Taiwan Straits — the government should stay calm and react in a sensible manner. To counteract Beijing’s moves, immediate, objective and logical analysis is called for, followed by explanations to the public about what the facts are and are not, as well as strategies to cope. The government should not shy away from Chinese intimidation and, more importantly, it should not respond like a loser. Let the public be aware that as long as Taiwan does not bow to China, it must be careful amid its ploys, as China will ask Taiwan’s pro-unification factions to assist with its machinations to unnerve society.
Second, the government should explain the political and social effects of cross-strait economic and trade activities to the public as soon as possible. More importantly, it should fully reveal the truth about China “offering advantages” to Taiwan — which Beijing, with the agreement of the Ma administration, has repeatedly claimed were good for the nation — so the public will realize that these “westbound policies” are in fact disadvantageous, whereas the government’s “new southbound policy” could be beneficial.
Building a solid foundation in Taiwan, developing an innovative economy and attracting global capital flows is the all-encompassing economic strategy that the government should adopt.
Third, the government should call on the legislature to demand the revelation and correction of all actions that hurt Taiwan’s democracy, economic development, social justice and judicial independence, as well as the lack of a democratic and transparent policymaking process for cross-strait relations that the previous government adhered to for the past eight years. This would serve as an objective review of the Ma administration’s performance and also the beginning of the process toward transitional justice that the nation should embark on.
Michael Hsiao is a researcher at Academia Sinica’s Institute of Sociology.
Translated by Ethan Zhan
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