Amid disunity in the south, campaign blunders in the north and unprecedented challenges to its core identity, former premier Frank Hsieh (謝長廷) was elected to the Democratic Progressive Party’s (DPP) 10-member Central Standing Committee on July 18, a move that reverses his pledge to leave politics after losing the 2008 presidential election.
This reversal has caused some to cry foul, saying that Hsieh’s return was an act of political dishonesty, but did anyone seriously think that one of Taiwan’s pre-eminent political animals of the last 30 years would simply vanish based on a promise made in the exhaustion and disappointment of a failed campaign? After all, shortly after the election, Hsieh established a shadow government to monitor the performance of President Ma Ying-jeou’s (馬英九) administration. He also became a political commentator and host of his own radio program. What does it mean anyway to say that someone in a democracy “quits politics”?
Perhaps more to the point, can the DPP — or the country — afford to ignore the experience of a man who has spent much of his life in public service?
For anyone new to Taiwan or who has not been paying attention for the last three decades, Hsieh’s resume is worth reviewing. Born in Taipei and educated at Kyoto University, Hsieh served as a defense attorney for those indicted in the 1979 Kaohsiung Incident. He became a founding member of the DPP and initiated the party’s now-disbanded Welfare State Alliance. Hsieh was twice elected Kaohsiung mayor, twice Taipei City councilor, twice legislative lawmaker and once DPP legislator-at-large. In 1996, Hsieh stood as his party’s candidate for vice president in the country’s first popular presidential election. Hsieh twice served as DPP chairman, and in 2005, he was appointed premier.
Unlike more doctrinaire colleagues, Hsieh is a pragmatist. As premier, he advocated reconciliation and coexistence. To survive and develop, Taiwan must engage with others, including China, Hsieh believed, maintaining the only precondition was to protect Taiwanese identity. His conciliatory approach upset many, including those who favored independence and other Cabinet members.
Even his enemies acknowledge qualities deserving respect: intelligence, resourcefulness, resilience and loyalty — something the DPP finds in short supply these days. Forced to withdraw from the Taipei mayoral primary in 1994, Hsieh accepted the party’s choice and endorsed his rival, Chen Shui-bian (陳水扁), who with Hsieh’s help won the election. In 2006, Hsieh again answered the party’s call, this time to run for the Taipei mayor’s post once denied him, knowing very well that his odds of winning were slim.
He is certainly no saint. Often aloof, even arrogant, in relations with others, Hsieh does not suffer fools gladly, which when he was premier seriously limited his dealings with the legislature. Other flaws include a tendency to appear calculating and ambitious. It is essential that Hsieh and members of the former New Tide and Green Alliance factions now put their acrimonious history behind them. Other rivalries must also be carefully managed, such as with party heavyweight and current Taipei mayoral candidate Su Tseng-chang (蘇貞昌).
Above all, Hsieh must work with DPP Chairperson Tsai Ing-wen (蔡英文), whose own pragmatism will hopefully compliment his. Chemistry will be a factor, not something usually associated with Hsieh, who, for all his success, may best be characterized as a political loner.
The future is anybody’s guess, but having smart, experienced and dedicated people on your side cannot be a bad thing. Frank, welcome back.
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