The world’s most severe earthquakes of recent memory are notable for taking place in states that are politically stable — or at least those that have a working infrastructure. The Sichuan Earthquake in China, the Kashmir disaster of 2005, the Bam quake in Iran in late 2003 — all took place in regions that were remote and/or poverty-stricken, but there was at least some hope of response by central officials. International assistance, where it was welcomed, had to be moderated to some extent by sovereign considerations.
In Haiti, a state that has been struggling to get on its feet after decades of authoritarian rule, gang warfare and economic ruin, and which remains the poorest country in the Western hemisphere, coping with the outcome of frequent hurricanes has been challenge enough. The shallow 7.0 magnitude earthquake that struck Port-au-Prince on Tuesday is remarkable, however, in that the already compromised capacity of central government services has been rendered utterly impotent.
The result of this disaster is an international relief and rescue effort that may come to rival the response to the Indian Ocean tsunami of late 2004 in geopolitical terms.
The US has led the way, as it should, in pledging and delivering relief to Haitians. It has also been encouraging to note the quick response of other countries in the region, including Venezuela, which for once is not in the news for scuttling its own infrastructure in the service of presidential folly.
Haiti is a Taiwanese ally, one of only a few. It is paramount that the Ministry of Foreign Affairs develop a long-term relief strategy that coordinates with other major donor nations. It is important to do so not because of the possibility that a Chinese injection of aid and assistance might lead to the severing of ties between Haiti and Taiwan, but because after years of cash flowing to Haiti from Taipei, the improvements in local conditions and bilateral benefits have been marginal at best.
Honor and strategy both dictate that Taiwan help protect Haitians from the natural elements and from the terror of lawlessness. There is much more that Taipei can do to fulfill this responsibility.
The US will be the main protector of Haiti as it enters a new period of despair, fear and (probably) violence, but Taiwan must make its presence felt. The ruination of Haiti and the attendant social breakdown would mark a regional crisis that could ensnare several neighboring nations in a morass of unmanageable refugee migrations. Taiwan has the money, the manpower and a certain level of expertise to help the US stop this from happening.
Taiwan’s government can complain all it likes about a lack of recognition in the international community, but unless it is prepared to display leadership, generosity and intelligence in its dealings with blighted ally nations, then it will have traveled only the shortest distance from a time when its allies included some of the most malevolent governments in modern history.
The unspeakable disaster in Haiti provides this administration with a real chance to prove itself worthy of the name “nation” — and to follow up pretty language with a comprehensive, well-financed, long-term commitment to the future of all Haitians.
China has not been a top-tier issue for much of the second Trump administration. Instead, Trump has focused considerable energy on Ukraine, Israel, Iran, and defending America’s borders. At home, Trump has been busy passing an overhaul to America’s tax system, deporting unlawful immigrants, and targeting his political enemies. More recently, he has been consumed by the fallout of a political scandal involving his past relationship with a disgraced sex offender. When the administration has focused on China, there has not been a consistent throughline in its approach or its public statements. This lack of overarching narrative likely reflects a combination
US President Donald Trump’s alleged request that Taiwanese President William Lai (賴清德) not stop in New York while traveling to three of Taiwan’s diplomatic allies, after his administration also rescheduled a visit to Washington by the minister of national defense, sets an unwise precedent and risks locking the US into a trajectory of either direct conflict with the People’s Republic of China (PRC) or capitulation to it over Taiwan. Taiwanese authorities have said that no plans to request a stopover in the US had been submitted to Washington, but Trump shared a direct call with Chinese President Xi Jinping (習近平)
Heavy rains over the past week have overwhelmed southern and central Taiwan, with flooding, landslides, road closures, damage to property and the evacuations of thousands of people. Schools and offices were closed in some areas due to the deluge throughout the week. The heavy downpours brought by the southwest monsoon are a second blow to a region still recovering from last month’s Typhoon Danas. Strong winds and significant rain from the storm inflicted more than NT$2.6 billion (US$86.6 million) in agricultural losses, and damaged more than 23,000 roofs and a record high of nearly 2,500 utility poles, causing power outages. As
The greatest pressure Taiwan has faced in negotiations stems from its continuously growing trade surplus with the US. Taiwan’s trade surplus with the US reached an unprecedented high last year, surging by 54.6 percent from the previous year and placing it among the top six countries with which the US has a trade deficit. The figures became Washington’s primary reason for adopting its firm stance and demanding substantial concessions from Taipei, which put Taiwan at somewhat of a disadvantage at the negotiating table. Taiwan’s most crucial bargaining chip is undoubtedly its key position in the global semiconductor supply chain, which led