Just when the family assets of Lien Chen-tung (連震東) and his son Lien Chan (連戰) became a hot election campaign issue, a dissertation written by academic Lin Yuan-huei (林元輝) five years ago once again circulated on the Internet. The paper, A Study of the Formation, Transition and Significance of Collective Memory, with Lien Heng (連橫) as an Example, was initially published in Taiwan: A Radical Quarterly in Social Studies. Marvellously, and in depth, the paper introduces Lien Heng, Lien Chan's grandfather and
author of the book General History of Taiwan, which is
the Lien family's most precious asset.
The 30,000-character paper tells the reader that, during the era of Japanese occupation, both Lien Heng and Lien Chen-tung worked for a pro-Japanese newspaper. It also tells how Lien Heng eulogized the colonizers in poems, and how hard he tried to invite colonial officials to write a frontispiece inscription and an introduction for his book at the time of its publication. When the colonizers had objections to the book's contents, the great historian readily followed the good advice and revised it.
The Yatang Bookstore, set up by Lien Heng, claimed it did not sell Japanese-language books, but was hired by the governor's office to procure Chinese books and materials for its "southern studies" (the study of China and southeast Asia).
To increase revenue, the Japanese extended special permission to the opium trade at the end of 1928, ignoring the health of the Taiwanese people. This drew protests from the Taiwan Commoners Party (台灣民眾黨) and medical associations across Taiwan, as well as the New People Association (新民會) in Tokyo. The colonizers mobilized their hack academics and gentry to defend it. Lien Heng also wrote a lengthy opinion article supporting the colonial government's policy. The article was published in the Taiwan Daily News (台灣日日新報), a hack newspaper of the Japanese. For this, Lien Heng was despised by Taiwanese society, ostracized by cultural circles, and expelled by the Oak Tree Poetry Society (
After arriving in Shanghai, he took refuge in another power center. He handed over his son to Chang Chi (張繼), a powerful figure in the Chinese Nationalist Party (KMT). After Lien Heng's death, World War II ended and the KMT government was in need of some introductory information on Taiwan as it took over the region. Lien Chen-tung hurriedly approached the Commercial Press for a reprint of the General History of Taiwan. Only the frontispiece inscription written by a Japanese official was missing from the new edition.
The KMT central government came to Taiwan after the 228 Incident. To win over the Taiwanese, propaganda officials like Chang Chi-yun (張其昀) extolled the virtues of Lien Heng and promoted him as a representative of the Taiwanese spirit. The media discussed him, cultural groups held symposiums to commemorate him and school textbooks told of events in his life and featured his articles. Lien Heng was deified.
Using his father's reputation, Lien Chen-tung also nudged his way into the Citizens' Reform Committee in 1950. He was the only Taiwanese in the 16-member committee. This is where the legend of the Lien family's wealth began.
Lin's paper discusses how "collective memory" is formed. To serve the interests of Lien Heng and his son, as well as those in power, Lien Heng was transformed from a man of letters dependent upon the Japanese colonizers into a great historian of the Chinese national spirit. Through textbooks and government propaganda this manufactured image became the Taiwanese people's collective memory of Lien Heng.
Should we condemn the KMT for "using" Lien Heng to rule the Taiwanese? Lin offers a more well-rounded explanation: "It was not just that Lien Heng was used; he himself was a culprit who used others (like Chang Chi) and the nationalist sentiments of people in the motherland. Exactly because Lien Heng and his son were culprits, the KMT, while `using' Lien Heng, was in reality also being `used.'"
The Lien family's wealth was built on one book -- the General History of Taiwan, which created enormous wealth as it was skilfully used, first by Lien Heng and his son and then by the KMT regime.
Who says culture is useless? Officials who want to promote the "cultural and creative industries" should first study the legend of Lien Heng and his son.
Ku Er-teh is a freelance writer.
Translated by Francis Huang
With each passing day, the threat of a People’s Republic of China (PRC) assault on Taiwan grows. Whatever one’s view about the history, there is essentially no question that a PRC conquest of Taiwan would mark the end of the autonomy and freedom enjoyed by the island’s 23 million people. Simply put, the PRC threat to Taiwan is genuinely existential for a free, democratic and autonomous Taiwan. Yet one might not know it from looking at Taiwan. For an island facing a threat so acute, lethal and imminent, Taiwan is showing an alarming lack of urgency in dramatically strengthening its defenses.
As India’s six-week-long general election grinds past the halfway mark, Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi’s messaging has shifted from confident to shrill. After the first couple of phases of polling showed a 3 percentage point drop in turnout, Modi and his party leaders have largely stopped promoting their accomplishments of the past 10 years — or, for that matter, the “Modi guarantees” offered in the Bharatiya Janata Party’s (BJP) manifesto for the next five. Instead, making the majority Hindu population fear and loathe Muslims seems to be the BJP’s preferred talking point. Modi went on the offensive in an April 21
The people of Taiwan recently received confirmation of the strength of American support for their security. Of four foreign aid bills that Congress passed and President Biden signed in April, the bill legislating additional support for Taiwan garnered the most votes. Three hundred eighty-five members of the House of Representatives voted to provide foreign military financing to Taiwan versus only 34 against. More members of Congress voted to support Taiwan than Ukraine, Israel, or banning TikTok. There was scant debate over whether the United States should provide greater support for Taiwan. It was understood and broadly accepted that doing so
I still remember the first time I heard about the possibility of an invasion by China. I was six years old. I thought war was coming and hid in my bed, scared. After 18 years, the invasion news tastes like a sandwich I eat every morning. As a Gen Z Taiwanese student who has witnessed China’s harassment for more than 20 years, I want to share my opinion on China. Every generation goes through different events. I have seen not only the norms of China’s constant presence, but also the Sunflower movement, wars and people fighting over peace or equality,