The race for the post of Kaohsiung mayor appears to be getting vicious months before the start of the official campaign -- at least within the KMT.
James Chen (
Suspicions have arisen within the KMT that Lien is willing to sacrifice the party's candidate to placate PFP Chairman James Soong (
Lien and Soong have agreed to jointly nominate a candidate for the Kaohsiung race. Given that PFP Vice Chairman Chang Chao-hsiung (
hsiung deputy mayor, would be a shoo-in. Huang was chosen by the KMT through consensus. The party wasn't even worried about angering Kaohsiung Council Speaker Huang Chi-chuan (
In late June, however, Chang Po-ya announced her candidacy, throwing a monkey wrench into the pan-blue camp's plans. The KMT headquarters kept telling Huang not to give up and he believed what he was hearing, unaware that Lien and Soong had secretly listed Chang as a candidate.
The PFP wants to participate in elections, but it lacks talent and resources. The PFP's strategy for both the Taipei and Kaohsiung mayoral races has been to maintain pan-blue cooperation and use public opinion polls to resolve inter-camp disputes over who is the best candidate. It will support anyone who can block a DPP victory and has some chance of winning. But the PFP has never had confidence in Haung Jun-ying as a candidate. So it was happy to see former DPP chairman Shih Ming-te (
Now that it looks like Lien is dumping Huang in favor of Soong's choice, the KMT leader will have a hard time complaining about how former president Lee Teng-hui (
The KMT now appears willing to take a wait-and-see attitude over the rivalry between Huang and Chang. Such an irresolute attitude shows Lien's
policy-making style as well as the confusion of values within the KMT. To resolve the dispute, the KMT will have to prioritize its objectives -- does it want to win the race or save face, does it want to cultivate talent for the party or pave the way for the 2004 presidential elections? The KMT will have to come up with a clear objective if it wants to ensure party cohesiveness, enhance KMT-PFP cooperation and create the possibility of winning the election.
Shilly-shallying over candidates is hardly the kind of behavior that creates a winning campaign. What it does do is plant the seeds for a defeat.
Father’s Day, as celebrated around the world, has its roots in the early 20th century US. In 1910, the state of Washington marked the world’s first official Father’s Day. Later, in 1972, then-US president Richard Nixon signed a proclamation establishing the third Sunday of June as a national holiday honoring fathers. Many countries have since followed suit, adopting the same date. In Taiwan, the celebration takes a different form — both in timing and meaning. Taiwan’s Father’s Day falls on Aug. 8, a date chosen not for historical events, but for the beauty of language. In Mandarin, “eight eight” is pronounced
Having lived through former British prime minister Boris Johnson’s tumultuous and scandal-ridden administration, the last place I had expected to come face-to-face with “Mr Brexit” was in a hotel ballroom in Taipei. Should I have been so surprised? Over the past few years, Taiwan has unfortunately become the destination of choice for washed-up Western politicians to turn up long after their political careers have ended, making grandiose speeches in exchange for extraordinarily large paychecks far exceeding the annual salary of all but the wealthiest of Taiwan’s business tycoons. Taiwan’s pursuit of bygone politicians with little to no influence in their home
In a recent essay, “How Taiwan Lost Trump,” a former adviser to US President Donald Trump, Christian Whiton, accuses Taiwan of diplomatic incompetence — claiming Taipei failed to reach out to Trump, botched trade negotiations and mishandled its defense posture. Whiton’s narrative overlooks a fundamental truth: Taiwan was never in a position to “win” Trump’s favor in the first place. The playing field was asymmetrical from the outset, dominated by a transactional US president on one side and the looming threat of Chinese coercion on the other. From the outset of his second term, which began in January, Trump reaffirmed his
Despite calls to the contrary from their respective powerful neighbors, Taiwan and Somaliland continue to expand their relationship, endowing it with important new prospects. Fitting into this bigger picture is the historic Coast Guard Cooperation Agreement signed last month. The common goal is to move the already strong bilateral relationship toward operational cooperation, with significant and tangible mutual benefits to be observed. Essentially, the new agreement commits the parties to a course of conduct that is expressed in three fundamental activities: cooperation, intelligence sharing and technology transfer. This reflects the desire — shared by both nations — to achieve strategic results within