July 1 was the 80th anniversary of the Chinese Communist Party (CCP). For months there were rumors that President Jiang Zemin (
He did give an important speech, but it lacked any new theory. Indeed, there was not much theoretical innovation to be found at all. He did not propose any new content to his "original creation," the so-called "Three Represents" (三個代表), but only reiterated that the party repre-sents the development trend of China's advanced social productive forces, the orientation of China's advanced culture and the fundamental interests of the overwhelming majority of people. His theory simply plagiarized Deng Xiaoping's (鄧小平) "Three Facings" (facing modernization, the world and the future), and Mao Zedong's (毛澤東) "nation-alist, scientific and of the masses" definition of new culture.
When discussing the education of new cadres, Jiang stressed the old "Four Transformations" (revolutionize, rejuvenate, educate and professionalize), showing that he lacks the capacity for theoretical innovation. Despite this, the editorial in the July 1 edition of the People's Daily still elevated his "Three Represents" to the level of "an important foundation, important political base and important source of power for the CCP," and it is already being discussed together with the other philosophies which guide the party -- Marxism-Leninism, Mao thought and Deng's theories.
Even though Jiang's speech was not much more than old platitudes and cliches, there is one part towards the end which is worth looking at. When discussing the criteria for attracting new party members, he raised eyebrows by proposing "the continued strengthening of the party's class foundation, the expansion of its popular base and the continued increase of its social influence, all in accordance with the realities of economic development and social advances." This was clearly aimed at the discussion about whether or not to admit private businessmen as members.
This question involves the nature of the Communist Party and Marxism-Leninism. Businessmen are typically of the capitalist class and the notion of allowing them into the party has no basis in theory, which is why the party's dogmatists and conservatives have always resisted their admission. In 1990, when conservatives held the upper hand, documents were issued ordering that businessmen should not be allowed to enter the party.
With the development of the market economy, however, many businessmen are coming forward with political demands, something that has begun to show inside the party lately, with reformists calling for ideological freedom. In March this year, Xing Benen (邢賁恩), deputy director of the Party School of the CCP Central Committee, said that "China now has a group of outstanding and highly able business people, and the time is ripe for the CCP to absorb them." The conservatives are attacking this view. Lin Yanzhi (林炎志), deputy secretary of the party committee in Jilin Province said in a secret report that the "new capitalist class" joining the party would change its character and wrest political power away from it.
Jiang's opinion on this issue amounts to a rejection of Lin. It also shows that the progressive forces created by economic development are gaining in influence inside the party. Jiang has been repeatedly swaying back and forth on the issue. In the early 1990s, he was actively opposed to admitting businessmen. Jiang's has merely shifted his position, but this does not signify true progression.
Wang Dan was a student leader during the 1989 Tiananmen Square demonstrations.
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