One could say that publication of the book June Fourth: The True Story
The book reflects the notion that the Chinese people are determined to change China into a free, democratic country in the 21st Century. Using a substantial body of authentic documents and reports, the book re-enacts the large demonstrations held in Beijing in the spring of 1989 -- which grew from a memorial procession honoring Hu Yaobang
The book rehabilitates the June Fourth Movement and establishes both an intellectual and factual basis for it.
Of particular interest is the CCP's unprecedented nervous reaction concerning the book's publication. According to news from Beijing obtained by the Hong Kong media, Ding Guangen
In addition, China's customs and security agencies have been called upon to conduct strict customs searches to stem the flow of the books into the country. Anyone found in possession of the book will have it confiscated immediately, while those bringing in large quantities could face administrative or criminal punishment.
In addition, making illegal copies of the book is strictly prohibited. There is even talk of "immediate execution" for anyone found making copies. Truly, China is preparing for a war.
Has Ding forgotten that, in fact, such a huge defensive move provides the most effective publicity for the book? According to He Pin
Since the first article by the CCP's writers criticizing the book was entitled "Vain attempts to throw China into chaos," why should they be so concerned about mobilizing the masses in such a big way?
That the CCP -- with its tens of millions of members and a declaration that it is "mighty, proud, and right" -- does not dare to face a book that reflects history is ridiculous.
In the first half of April, I flew from San Francisco to Los Angeles, to visit Xu Jiatun
On his bookshelf was a copy of June Fourth: The True Story. And he had already read it through once. I asked him how accurate it was, to which he replied, "About 70 or 80 percent."
Xu said the editorial standards of the English version were stricter than the Chinese.
One section in "Conversations with Yuan Mu"
The book thus clearly portrays Yuan's disgustingly sycophantic manner, as well as how he served as a foil for Li. Naturally this is the author's narrative. In sum, the dialogues in the book conform to the situation at the time. Of course, it's as the editor has said, there's no way to guarantee that every fact in the record is accurate.
I also asked Xu about his views on Zhao Ziyang
But, Xu said he made three mistakes.
First, while the student demonstrations were just beginning, he insisted on going to North Korea. On April 24, Tian Jiyun
As a result, just when he was away, Li stood in to chair a meeting of the Politburo Standing Committee, and churned out an opinion article that appeared in the April 26 issue of the People's Daily, defining the students' patriotic movement as a "disturbance." Consequently, the situation spun out of control.
Second, Zhao's estimation of how the student demonstrations would develop was far off base. He failed to convene a Politburo Standing Committee meeting before he left for North Korea, and as a result, the government was passive in deciding how to handle the demonstrations.
Finally, Zhao isolated himself when he resigned to oppose the government's implementation of martial law.
Looking back at the incident, Xu expressed his profound regret. Still, perhaps buoyed by revolutionary optimism, this 85- year-old man is totally convinced that the day will come in the 21st Century when China will adopt a new understanding of June Fourth -- and that he will live to see it.
Thomas Keng Lu is a veteran journalist.
Translated by Scudder Smith
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