Those who have gotten used to the passionate performances in Taiwan's elections would feel rather bored by elections in Europe. For example, there are three everlasting rules for German elections -- no change, no risk-taking, and no demands; thus, the campaign strategies formulated are rather bland.
The mudslinging and name-smearing tactics used in this year's presidential election in Taiwan, however, were unbearable. On a positive side, we identified many personal flaws of the candidates, narrowing the gap between them and the people and giving them a more humanized image. This is certainly preferable to the past deification of political figures. However, people ought to hold respect for the law -- particularly during elections. If politicians knowingly break the law to win elections and get away with it, we will lose any hope for shaping a general respect for the law.
All the negative campaign ads and allegations have invited potential criminal liability. The suits filed between the candidates, if successful, would involve liabilities for public insults (公然侮辱罪) and crime and defamation (誨謗罪), as well as liabilities under Presidential and Vice Presidential Election and Recall Law (總統副總統罷選法).
Campaign rhetoric such as Lien's accusation that another candidate was "heartless and cruel (狼心狗肺)" were obviously "public insults." On the other hand, there are also those allegations waged by Lin Jui-tu (林瑞圖) and Chiu Yi (邱毅) about Chen Shui-bian's (陳水扁) involvement in the lottery scandal, accusations made by Taipei City Council or Lee Ching-yuan (李慶元) about Chen's extra-marital affair and Lien's patronage of massage parlors, as well as many anonymous advertisements.
The targets defended themselves by filing court complaints to try and show they were innocent and so retain public support. But since all these negative ads and allegations can bring legal liability, why did all the candidates play with fire? The reason is simple: The expected return was far higher than the cost incurred.
1. The liabilities incurred are relatively light. Although jail terms of one to five years can be handed down for these crimes, more typically convicted offenders receive only a fine or probation. Besides, the candidates are never the ones to get punished, but the "bouncers" they retain to do their dirty work.
2. These lawsuits go nowhere. They are so numerous that we have lost count, and after the election is over, no one cares -- not the prosecutors, judges, or even the parties involved. Losers simply leave the political arena. Winners gain immunity, and they may voluntarily withdraw the suits they filed, to demonstrate generosity.
3. Negative allegations bring free publicity. Since the news media have acquired quite an appetite for tabloid news, it will run virtually any allegations, as long as someone is bold enough to point fingers. Furthermore, the media's failure to verify certainly helps.
The media always criticizes candidates for lacking substance; however, only tabloid news makes headlines. The media does not even bother to report the candidates' campaign platforms. Therefore, the negative ads and allegations may be characterized as an evolutionary adaptation by the candidates' efforts to comply with media demands. Of course, the media reflect public demand -- although people always criticize elections, they still love to watch campaign news.
If the media were to refuse to cover or run any unverified defamatory attacks or anonymous ads, and if the voters did not vote for candidates who engage in mudslinging, the negative campaign ads and allegations would disappear. Although elections would become dull, they would be truly democratic.
A response to my article (“Invite ‘will-bes,’ not has-beens,” Aug. 12, page 8) mischaracterizes my arguments, as well as a speech by former British prime minister Boris Johnson at the Ketagalan Forum in Taipei early last month. Tseng Yueh-ying (曾月英) in the response (“A misreading of Johnson’s speech,” Aug. 24, page 8) does not dispute that Johnson referred repeatedly to Taiwan as “a segment of the Chinese population,” but asserts that the phrase challenged Beijing by questioning whether parts of “the Chinese population” could be “differently Chinese.” This is essentially a confirmation of Beijing’s “one country, two systems” formulation, which says that
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