The 228 Incident occurred without warning in 1947, but its effects spread quickly throughout all of Taiwan within four days. Three months later Ko Yuan-fen (
The incident was a taboo subject for 40 years, until Chen Yung-hsing (
However, the government claimed that the 228 Incident was caused by the "alienation" between officials and public and "cultural" and "language" differences. If this were true, however, then the 228 Incident should have first occurred in some other country, instead of Taiwan.
Taiwan was placed under Chinese control at the end of WWII, as per the order of the Allied Command. Battered and desperate from the war, Taiwan-ese clung to the idea that they were returning to a democratic China -- their "motherland." They thought they would be allowed to serve in all levels of the government, and educated youth entertained dreams contributing to the building of a new China.
Chen Yi
Society was further racked by KMT factional struggles, increasingly turning Taiwan into a lawless society. The appearance and discipline of the KMT army stationed in Taiwan was also appalling, and soldiers frequently bullied and stole from the people. The police carried out random searches and ran smuggling operations. Life was becoming increasingly difficult for regular people, while officials prospered.
The public soon knew all about official corruption and the ineptitude of the KMT regime under Chen Yi , but their previous belief in government propaganda tempered their anger and toned down their demands. In the end, Taiwanese only asked for equality and the chance to increase their standard of living.
The government ignored all of their political and economic proposals, however, and prohibited Taiwanese from working in the government on the basis that they "lacked democratic traditions and language competence." The Taiwanese then "stupidly waited" and threw themselves into learning Mandarin Chinese.
By November 1946, just two months after the Constitutional Assembly started its sessions, Chen revealed the so-called "Three Year Plan for Self-Governance," whereby direct elections for county commissioners and mayors would be put off until 1947, two years later than similar elections in mainland China.
The government also continued to hold "civic training" courses for residents in Taiwan. In addition to language classes, the courses also included content from the "New Life Movement," which had been promoted in mainland China 13 years previously.
People were forced to submit to norms of "propriety, justice, honesty and righteousness" while suffering the rule of corrupt and tyrannical officials.
The normally meek Taiwanese began to get angry. They started to view each of Chen's policies as a direct affront, and stopped cooperating with the govern-ment.
However, a grain shortage at the time diverted the people's attention to the grain dealers rather than the government, however, making the 228 Incident all that much more unexpected.
Chen announced that Taiwan was part of China again, yet Taiwan's legal status remained undecided as the ROC-Japan Peace Treaty had not yet been signed. Taiwan remained outside of the legal jurisdiction of China's constitution for a full year after Chen announced Taiwan's return to China.
According to the guidelines of the Pacific Charter and UN Charter, Taiwan met the requirements for national autonomy at the time, and the ROC government was most concerned over the attitude of people in Taiwan before the Cairo Declaration was signed. They were afraid that the people of Taiwan would reject China and walk away with Taiwan in the ROC-Japan Peace Treaty.
Although Chen declared Taiwan had returned to China, he acted contrarily by attempting to isolate and prevent the Taiwanese from participating in the government and the economy until the treaty was signed.
The ROC was forced to pospone the introduction of Taiwanese into the government as Taiwan's status was yet undecided. Chen refused to tell the truth and used excuses to deceive the people of Taiwan. The people thus lost their faith in the government.
The hostility between the government and people was the true cause of the 228 Incident.
Hsieh Chang-chang is a member of the Formosan Association for Public Affairs.
The White House’s decision to take a 9.9 percent stake in Intel Corp is looking like very shrewd business indeed. Since the government bought in at US$20.47 a share last August, the US chipmaker’s surging stock price has delivered the US a US$43 billion return. One of the reasons the investment has so far proved so sound is that the White House has made sure of it. According to The Wall Street Journal, Howard personally pushed deals on Intel’s behalf with some of the most lucrative clients imaginable. They include Nvidia Corp, the company at the heart of the AI
The Ministry of the Interior, working with the navy and coast guard, is organizing Taiwan’s first joint exercise simulating escort tankers carrying liquefied natural gas (LNG) and oil through a Chinese blockade. The drills simulate fuel transport along three maritime corridors leading toward Japan, the Philippines and the US. Deputy Minister of the Interior Sawyer Mars (馬士元) said that a blockade of the Taiwan Strait would amount to “almost a 100 percent blockade of the regional energy supply.” Minister of National Defense Wellington Koo said planning to counter a blockade is standard practice in Taipei. While the exercise is limited in
A single photograph can cut through a lot of noise, but it can also be used to misrepresent the truth. At the very least, it can concentrate the mind on something that requires further investigation. On Monday last week, Ma Ying-jeou Foundation CEO Tai Hsia-ling (戴遐齡) and former National Security Council secretary-general King Pu-tsung (金溥聰) held a news conference in which they showed a photograph of former foundation CEO Hsiao Hsu-tsen (蕭旭岑), now Chinese Nationalist Party (KMT) deputy chairman. In the image Hsiao is seated next to Xiamen Taiwan Businessmen Association chairman Han Ying-huan (韓螢煥). The two men were holding
I first met Professor Ray Jiing (井迎瑞) as a film and documentary student at Shih Hsin University’s (SHU) Department of Radio Television and Film in 1988. The following year, he went on to become the director of the Chinese Taipei Film Archive — forerunner of the Taiwan Film and Audiovisual Institute (TFAI). Over his eight-year tenure, Jiing rescued and restored over 200 classic Taiwanese films. In 1997, he established the Graduate Institute of Studies in Documentary and Film Archiving at Tainan National University of the Arts (TNNUA), and I joined the program in his third cohort of students. Beyond a