Protesters braving police batons, water cannon and occasional bullets on Kenya’s streets this week have taken up a rallying cry that is likely to unnerve embattled Kenyan President William Ruto: “Ruto wantam,” or Ruto one-term.
Ruto won power almost three years ago vowing to protect the poor and end police violence, but he is facing mounting public dissatisfaction over high living costs, corruption and police brutality that could yet seal his fate as a “wantam” leader.
As the faint drum beat of the 2027 election grows louder, analysts said his administration would need not only to deliver on its economic promises, but also adopt a more conciliatory tone to win over a younger, better-educated population.
“Persistent economic hardship and widespread allegations of police violence pose serious challenges to any ambitions he may have for securing re-election in 2027,” Verisk Maplecroft senior Africa analyst Mucahid Durmaz said.
Thirty-one people were killed nationwide in the latest anti-government protests on Monday, held to mark the 35th anniversary of pro-democracy rallies, the company said. Police fired to disperse the demonstrators after also using tear gas and water cannon.
“We can’t feed our families, so we have to be on the street to stop the increasing prices, to stop the [police] abductions, and to stand up for our country,” said Festus Muiruri, a 22-year-old protester in Nairobi. “We want the president to hear us.”
However, Ruto’s government has been consistently slow to respond to public discontent. Last year, he only abandoned proposed tax hikes after protesters overran parliament in unprecedented scenes flashed across TV screens around the world.
Kenyan Cabinet Secretary for Ministry of Interior and National Administration Kipchumba Murkomen, branded last month’s protests as a “coup attempt” by what he called “criminal anarchists.”
Unlike his predecessors, Ruto faces a generation of uncompromising young Kenyans desperate for economic opportunities, who can mobilize amorphously through social media, bypassing opposition parties and leaders.
The so-called “Gen Z” protesters, the product of free schooling introduced two decades ago, have no recollection of authoritarian rule. Many were not yet born when Kenya introduced multi-party elections in 1992.
With up to 800,000 young people entering the job market each year, Gen Z are more educated than their elders, but also more likely to be unemployed, a Afrobarometer report found.
“They have no memory of the rough times,” said Macharia Munene, a professor of history and international relations at the US International University in Nairobi. “They’ve learned how to ask questions.”
Discontent with the government found a lightning rod last month with the death of blogger Albert Ojwang in police custody. On June 25, about 19 people lost their lives in demonstrations over Ojwang’s death.
The administration’s hardline response to protesters has rattled investors in East Africa’s largest economy. Business expectations fell to their second-lowest level on record in May, according to a survey by Stanbic Bank Kenya.
“Repeated protests and shutdowns will continue to erode investor confidence and disrupt economic activity, especially if the government continues to prioritize force over dialogue,” Oxford Economics political analyst Jervin Naidoo said.
Despite the swelling disillusionment, Kenyans are left with few options for now. Ruto’s large parliamentary majority ensures he would not be unseated prematurely.
He also faces a weak and fractured opposition, which is yet to find a standard-bearer for the next election. Following last year’s protests, Ruto brought former Kenyan prime minister Raila Odinga into his government, neutralizing his main threat.
He has two more years to turn things around or use his incumbency to help ensure a second term.
Ruto would hope that his increased social spending and programs aimed at tackling youth unemployment, combined with positive economic prospects and a decline in inflation, would bolster his appeal, Control Risks said.
However, that might not be enough to avoid “wantam,” political commentator Javas Bigambo said.
“The government is perceived to be blind, deaf and dumb by the young people. This perception needs to be managed. Dealing with the protesters with this condescending attitude will only worsen Ruto’s re-election prospects,” he said. “It is urgent that measures are taken to bridge the divide.”
China’s supreme objective in a war across the Taiwan Strait is to incorporate Taiwan as a province of the People’s Republic. It follows, therefore, that international recognition of Taiwan’s de jure independence is a consummation that China’s leaders devoutly wish to avoid. By the same token, an American strategy to deny China that objective would complicate Beijing’s calculus and deter large-scale hostilities. For decades, China has cautioned “independence means war.” The opposite is also true: “war means independence.” A comprehensive strategy of denial would guarantee an outcome of de jure independence for Taiwan in the event of Chinese invasion or
Chinese Nationalist Party (KMT) Chairwoman Cheng Li-wun (鄭麗文) earlier this month said it is necessary for her to meet with Chinese President Xi Jinping (習近平) and it would be a “huge boost” to the party’s local election results in November, but many KMT members have expressed different opinions, indicating a struggle between different groups in the party. Since Cheng was elected as party chairwoman in October last year, she has repeatedly expressed support for increased exchanges with China, saying that it would bring peace and prosperity to Taiwan, and that a meeting with Xi in Beijing takes priority over meeting
The political order of former president Lee Teng-hui (李登輝) first took shape in 1988. Then-vice president Lee succeeded former president Chiang Ching-kuo (蔣經國) after he passed, and served out the remainder of his term in office. In 1990, Lee was elected president by the National Assembly, and in 1996, he won Taiwan’s first direct presidential election. Those two, six and four-year terms were an era-defining 12-year presidential tenure. Throughout those years, Lee served as helmsman for Taiwan’s transition from martial law and authoritarianism to democracy. This period came to be known as the “quiet revolution,” leaving a legacy containing light
Taiwan no longer wants to merely manufacture the chips that power artificial intelligence (AI). It aims to build the software, platforms and services that run on them. Ten major AI infrastructure projects, a national cloud computing center in Tainan, the sovereign language model Trustworthy AI Dialogue Engine, five targeted industry verticals — from precision medicine to smart agriculture — and the goal of ranking among the world’s top five in computing power by 2040: The roadmap from “Silicon Island” to “Smart Island” is drawn. The question is whether the western plains, where population, industry and farmland are concentrated, have the water and