In late July, the Chinese Nationalist Party (KMT) nominated Kaohsiung Mayor Han Kuo-yu (韓國瑜) as its presidential candidate. After that, most people, apart from Han’s blindly loyal die-hard fans and including quite a lot of the more rational KMT members, did not believe that the “Han wind” could raise any more dust this year. In short, hardly anyone believes that the unpresidential-looking Han has any chance of becoming Taiwan’s next president.
Han worked a miracle last year by singlehandedly saving the KMT, but he and KMT Chairman Wu Den-yih (吳敦義) are no longer celebrating. Han’s view of himself as a savior is funny, and Wu’s indescribable selfishness and domineering attitude are even more astounding.
Although the curtain has fallen on the sorry spectacle of the KMT’s primary process, with all the fierce combat it involved, the aftermath is that the party’s biggest donors have left and local factions are looking for alternatives, while party workers who shout slogans about unity are fighting among themselves. The party has sunk into a state of collective anxiety and even hysteria.
All agree that the only “miracle” that will happen next month is that the KMT will have taken just one year to waste its newly won political capital.
Han admits that he used to spend too much time on wine and women instead of attending to his proper job. When a tide of support brought victory for Han in the Kaohsiung mayoral election last year, he announced that he would quit drinking and gambling and turn a new leaf. Such weaknesses might have been permissible when Han was general manager of Taipei Agricultural Products Marketing Corp, but they are a bit too much for the mayor of Kaohsiung.
Now that he is standing for president, surely he cannot hoodwink the entire nation. Not to mention that less than half a year after taking up the post of mayor, he broke his promise to serve Kaohsiung and ran away to campaign for the presidency.His daily use of vulgar language proves that he lacks the sophistication and self-restraint required of a national leader.
Even more astonishing are the depths to which Wu has stooped.
He moved heaven and Earth to become KMT chairman. His avowed cause was to take this tattered party that has lost its assets and luster, and lead it to rise again, but everyone knows his real motivation was his dream of becoming president. However, he did not have enough support within the KMT and his public image was not good enough.
Instead of standing in the party’s primaries, he played a game of supporting Han, suppressing former New Taipei City mayor Eric Chu (朱立倫), paying respect to Hon Hai Precision Industry cofounder Terry Gou (郭台銘) and disrespecting Legislator Wang Jin-pyng (王金平).
With all these shenanigans going on, Wang quit the race and Gou quit the party. The result was that the KMT nominated Han, the least legitimate candidate who might need to be replaced halfway through the campaign.
However, despite Wu’s scheming, Han still had the support of his die-hard fans, so Wu’s hopes of stepping in to replace him came to naught. Wu had to settle for the next best thing, nominating himself on the most controversial list of at-large legislative candidates. Unfortunately for the KMT, which was already lagging far behind, that controversy has made its prospects even worse.
With the result a virtual certainty, the election is now in garbage time. Han’s immorality and incompetence, and Wu’s bullying and selfishness are the main culprits that have ruined the KMT’s prospects. Indeed, Han and Wu are the two last straws that will break the party’s back.
Ling Po-chih is a former chief prosecutor at the Kaohsiung District Prosecutors’ Office.
Translated by Julian Clegg
George Santayana wrote: “Those who cannot remember the past are condemned to repeat it.” This article will help readers avoid repeating mistakes by examining four examples from the civil war between the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) forces and the Republic of China (ROC) forces that involved two city sieges and two island invasions. The city sieges compared are Changchun (May to October 1948) and Beiping (November 1948 to January 1949, renamed Beijing after its capture), and attempts to invade Kinmen (October 1949) and Hainan (April 1950). Comparing and contrasting these examples, we can learn how Taiwan may prevent a war with
A recent trio of opinion articles in this newspaper reflects the growing anxiety surrounding Washington’s reported request for Taiwan to shift up to 50 percent of its semiconductor production abroad — a process likely to take 10 years, even under the most serious and coordinated effort. Simon H. Tang (湯先鈍) issued a sharp warning (“US trade threatens silicon shield,” Oct. 4, page 8), calling the move a threat to Taiwan’s “silicon shield,” which he argues deters aggression by making Taiwan indispensable. On the same day, Hsiao Hsi-huei (蕭錫惠) (“Responding to US semiconductor policy shift,” Oct. 4, page 8) focused on
Taiwan is rapidly accelerating toward becoming a “super-aged society” — moving at one of the fastest rates globally — with the proportion of elderly people in the population sharply rising. While the demographic shift of “fewer births than deaths” is no longer an anomaly, the nation’s legal framework and social customs appear stuck in the last century. Without adjustments, incidents like last month’s viral kicking incident on the Taipei MRT involving a 73-year-old woman would continue to proliferate, sowing seeds of generational distrust and conflict. The Senior Citizens Welfare Act (老人福利法), originally enacted in 1980 and revised multiple times, positions older
Nvidia Corp’s plan to build its new headquarters at the Beitou Shilin Science Park’s T17 and T18 plots has stalled over a land rights dispute, prompting the Taipei City Government to propose the T12 plot as an alternative. The city government has also increased pressure on Shin Kong Life Insurance Co, which holds the development rights for the T17 and T18 plots. The proposal is the latest by the city government over the past few months — and part of an ongoing negotiation strategy between the two sides. Whether Shin Kong Life Insurance backs down might be the key factor