Democratic Progressive Party (DPP) Chairperson Tsai Ing-wen (蔡英文) has proposed maintaining the “status quo” as the DPP’s policy guideline for handling its relations with China. In doing so, she has set a pivotal focus for next year’s presidential and legislative elections. To put it in a nutshell, she is questioning who is really undermining the “status quo” in cross-strait relations.
Up until now, commentators outside the DPP have been worried about its pro-independence platform and Tsai’s firm support for Taiwan’s independence, believing that she would damage the cross-strait “status quo” if she became president.
Washington appears to be particularly concerned about this. Following DPP Secretary-General Joseph Wu’s (吳釗燮) recent visit to the US for consultations, the DPP and Washington emerged spouting similar rhetoric about maintaining the “status quo.”
If the DPP takes maintaining the cross-strait “status quo” as a policy guideline, from a defensive point of view, it can dispel the outside world’s worries that the party would damage the “status quo,” while, from a more offensive standpoint, it can induce voters to think about who is really responsible for undermining the “status quo” in cross-strait affairs.
This policy pivot is an extension of the DPP’s orientation in past election campaigns, arguing that it is the Chinese Nationalist Party (KMT) that keeps disrupting the “status quo” by constantly strengthening cross-strait ties.
On the contrary, the DPP’s standpoint is that by upholding Taiwan’s independence, it is actually maintaining the “status quo,” making it the more responsible party in this respect.
That so, the series of forums held between the KMT and the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) and their leaders can fit neatly into the DPP’s future narrative as irrefutable evidence that the KMT has been upsetting the “status quo” all along. Blaming the KMT for changing the “status quo” is likely to send voters a signal that Taiwan’s independence is the real “status quo.”
Regarding Washington, the DPP’s promise to maintain the “status quo” is a blank sheet of paper, on which it can write freely. The US government can even assure China that the “status quo” includes the so-called “1992 consensus,” even though Tsai has said no such thing.
The “1992 consensus,” a term former Mainland Affairs Council chairman Su Chi (蘇起) admitted that he made up in 2000, refers to a tacit understanding between the KMT and Chinese government that both sides of the Taiwan Strait acknowledge there is “one China,” with both sides having their own interpretation of what “China” means.
If we compare Tsai’s promise to maintain the “status quo” with Taipei Mayor Ko Wen-je’s (柯文哲) statement that “there is no problem with one China,” the two leaders’ political purposes are quite different. Ko intends to promote his governance of the city, so he has more flexibility in regards to what specific wording he wants to use. Any statement he makes is acceptable as long as it does not cross either side’s line.
Furthermore, the two sides — Taipei and Beijing — have an unspoken agreement not to intentionally adopt policies that challenge or violate the terms on which they have established a consensus.
However, for Tsai the goal is to win the presidential and legislative elections, so she needs to take a rather more evasive approach.
If Tsai is elected president, she would most likely free herself from the constraints of the “status quo” step by step. First, as she already hinted long ago, Taiwan’s independence would be a “natural element” of the DPP’s governance.
Second, she would remain alert regarding the KMT. By keeping cross-strait relations as they are, or even backtracking on steps that have already been taken, she could then expose the collusion between the KMT and CCP to dismantle the “status quo.” Under such circumstances, would the US see her as having gone back on her word and intervene in some way? Probably not, because the party truly and directly responsible for backtracking on cross-strait relations would certainly be China.
Tsai’s assurances to Beijing, via Washington, that she would maintain the “status quo” actually helps her to reach a tacit understanding with the US. In her presidential campaign, this would enable her to freely promote her concept that Taiwan’s independence is the real “status quo.”
It would allow her to give assurances to the pro-independence camp and mobilize those in the younger generation who dislike China and oppose unification, boosting their morale in the face of a common enemy.
That is because they would come to see more clearly how the KMT has been colluding with China, giving them firm confidence in the real “status quo” and consolidating a “Taiwan consensus” among them.
Shih Chih-yu is a political science professor at National Taiwan University.
Translated by Eddy Chang
President William Lai (賴清德) attended a dinner held by the American Israel Public Affairs Committee (AIPAC) when representatives from the group visited Taiwan in October. In a speech at the event, Lai highlighted similarities in the geopolitical challenges faced by Israel and Taiwan, saying that the two countries “stand on the front line against authoritarianism.” Lai noted how Taiwan had “immediately condemned” the Oct. 7, 2023, attack on Israel by Hamas and had provided humanitarian aid. Lai was heavily criticized from some quarters for standing with AIPAC and Israel. On Nov. 4, the Taipei Times published an opinion article (“Speak out on the
Eighty-seven percent of Taiwan’s energy supply this year came from burning fossil fuels, with more than 47 percent of that from gas-fired power generation. The figures attracted international attention since they were in October published in a Reuters report, which highlighted the fragility and structural challenges of Taiwan’s energy sector, accumulated through long-standing policy choices. The nation’s overreliance on natural gas is proving unstable and inadequate. The rising use of natural gas does not project an image of a Taiwan committed to a green energy transition; rather, it seems that Taiwan is attempting to patch up structural gaps in lieu of
News about expanding security cooperation between Israel and Taiwan, including the visits of Deputy Minister of National Defense Po Horng-huei (柏鴻輝) in September and Deputy Minister of Foreign Affairs Francois Wu (吳志中) this month, as well as growing ties in areas such as missile defense and cybersecurity, should not be viewed as isolated events. The emphasis on missile defense, including Taiwan’s newly introduced T-Dome project, is simply the most visible sign of a deeper trend that has been taking shape quietly over the past two to three years. Taipei is seeking to expand security and defense cooperation with Israel, something officials
“Can you tell me where the time and motivation will come from to get students to improve their English proficiency in four years of university?” The teacher’s question — not accusatory, just slightly exasperated — was directed at the panelists at the end of a recent conference on English language learning at Taiwanese universities. Perhaps thankfully for the professors on stage, her question was too big for the five minutes remaining. However, it hung over the venue like an ominous cloud on an otherwise sunny-skies day of research into English as a medium of instruction and the government’s Bilingual Nation 2030