Taiwan is one of the world’s political entities that does not possess full status as a country. This group of countries has to put up with all sorts of unfair treatment and are told to become observers, or accept some other “special” status in international organizations to “learn on the job.” They have to grin and bear it as they are told what to do by UN-appointed government bodies.
However, back home, they are able to share their hatred for the same enemies and can overcome petty differences to pursue their ultimate goal of independence.
The Taiwanese government is the only exception to this. As if it was not enough that the current government does not want to pursue independence, it constantly uses the abnormal situation of the nation to deal with anyone who thinks differently. The ways in which it does so include coming up with excuses to implement a martial law-like authoritarian rule, depriving the public of freedom of speech and the right to live where they want. It also threatens any public expressions of independence or self-determination.
The government’s latest trick is aimed at escaping public monitoring. To pull this off, it says that the cross-strait service trade agreement is not an agreement between two countries and that the legislature therefore has no right to review the agreement clause-by-clause, but can only pass it in toto or not at all. This is all done to avoid President Ma Ying-jeou (馬英九) losing the trust of his friends in Beijing.
In the past, many of the international agreements between Taiwan and countries without official diplomatic ties with Taiwan were not treaties, even when such agreements involved important national issues or the rights or duties of the public.
For example, when freedoms of the air were negotiated between Taiwan and Malaysia, the two private entities Malaysia Airlines and the Taipei Airlines Association signed the necessary documents. The flight agreements between Taiwan and Hong Kong do not even have a name and are referred to as “the arrangement for air transportation between Taiwan and Hong Kong.”
Although not called treaties, such agreements are the result of conflict reduction over sovereignty. They may at times represent a trading of the sovereignty and rights of a whole population in exchange for economic benefits enjoyed by certain vested industries and people.
The public, who are directly affected by such agreements, have the right to approve them by reviewing and giving feedback before they come into effect. This is also why the Council of Grand Justices’ Constitutional Interpretation No. 329 was forced to take the same position.
Consider Interpretation No. 329, which states: “Agreements concluded between Taiwan and mainland China are not international agreements to which this interpretation relates. It should also be noted that whether or not these agreements should be sent to the Legislation [sic] Yuan for deliberation is not included in this interpretation.”
While the grand justices stuck their heads in the sand and avoided the sensitive issue of relations between Taiwan and China, they did not say that cross-strait agreements will not be subject to judicial monitoring as a result. The legislature could draw up a set of regulations for handling cross-strait treaties or directly make the trade agreement into a legal case and review it as such, making it a special law. A simpler approach that would also be feasible would be to make the treaty act that is currently being reviewed applicable to the clauses of cross-strait agreements.
Would this make Taiwanese lose trust in the government? Of course not. This is because all countries that have signed agreements with Taiwan, including China, know they have to avoid calling agreements with Taiwan “agreements between countries.” They understand that Taiwan is not a normal country and that it has its own special way of ratifying agreements, which means agreements will not take effect automatically. If Taiwan’s leaders continue to make promises they cannot keep and brag about how they have the administrative power to make decisions, they are not only inviting ridicule from their counterparts, they are also betraying the trust of Taiwanese.
Chris Huang is an associate professor in National Tsing Hua University’s Institute of Law for Science and Technology.
Translated by Drew Cameron
Taiwan stands at the epicenter of a seismic shift that will determine the Indo-Pacific’s future security architecture. Whether deterrence prevails or collapses will reverberate far beyond the Taiwan Strait, fundamentally reshaping global power dynamics. The stakes could not be higher. Today, Taipei confronts an unprecedented convergence of threats from an increasingly muscular China that has intensified its multidimensional pressure campaign. Beijing’s strategy is comprehensive: military intimidation, diplomatic isolation, economic coercion, and sophisticated influence operations designed to fracture Taiwan’s democratic society from within. This challenge is magnified by Taiwan’s internal political divisions, which extend to fundamental questions about the island’s identity and future
The narrative surrounding Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi’s attendance at last week’s Shanghai Cooperation Organization (SCO) summit — where he held hands with Russian President Vladimir Putin and chatted amiably with Chinese President Xi Jinping (習近平) — was widely framed as a signal of Modi distancing himself from the US and edging closer to regional autocrats. It was depicted as Modi reacting to the levying of high US tariffs, burying the hatchet over border disputes with China, and heralding less engagement with the Quadrilateral Security dialogue (Quad) composed of the US, India, Japan and Australia. With Modi in China for the
The Chinese Nationalist Party (KMT) has postponed its chairperson candidate registration for two weeks, and so far, nine people have announced their intention to run for chairperson, the most on record, with more expected to announce their campaign in the final days. On the evening of Aug. 23, shortly after seven KMT lawmakers survived recall votes, KMT Chairman Eric Chu (朱立倫) announced he would step down and urged Taichung Mayor Lu Shiow-yen (盧秀燕) to step in and lead the party back to power. Lu immediately ruled herself out the following day, leaving the subject in question. In the days that followed, several
The Jamestown Foundation last week published an article exposing Beijing’s oil rigs and other potential dual-use platforms in waters near Pratas Island (Dongsha Island, 東沙島). China’s activities there resembled what they did in the East China Sea, inside the exclusive economic zones of Japan and South Korea, as well as with other South China Sea claimants. However, the most surprising element of the report was that the authors’ government contacts and Jamestown’s own evinced little awareness of China’s activities. That Beijing’s testing of Taiwanese (and its allies) situational awareness seemingly went unnoticed strongly suggests the need for more intelligence. Taiwan’s naval