The undersigned overseas Taiwanese organizations hereby express our deep concern about recent developments in Taiwan.
First, we wish to emphasize our roots in Taiwan, the land of our birth. We do live in the US, Canada and Europe, but we feel strongly about our homeland. Many of us worked hard to help Taiwan make the transition to democracy in the 1980s and 1990s.
Especially since Taiwan has made such major progress toward a fully democratic system during the past 25 years, it is regrettable that the administration of President Ma Ying-jeou (馬英九) has eroded Taiwan’s democracy and freedoms with his pro-China policies.On the surface, these policies may appear to bring about a reduction of tension, but in reality they are setting Taiwan up for a larger conflict when China’s repressive designs for “unification” collide with the reality of Taiwan’s democracy.
While this backsliding of freedom, democracy and human rights has been going on since the beginning of the Ma administration, we are particularly incensed about recent moves by the Ma government that show a distinct lack of respect for democracy, and a fundamental breach of the basic principles of separation of powers and checks and balances in a democracy.
These basic principles are enshrined in the Republic of China Constitution. While we strongly believe that the Constitution needs to be amended to reflect the new reality that Taiwan is now a free, democratic and independent country, it is essential that the government abides by the Constitution that is presently in force. The actions of President Ma and his administration in attempting to remove Legislative Speaker Wang Jin-pyng (王金平) clearly violated those principles.
In addition, the extensive abuse of power and the rampant wiretapping by the Special Investigation Division (SID) also constitute a violation of the Constitution, in particular Article 12, which guarantees the individual’s freedom of privacy of correspondence.
It is time for the Ma government to listen to the Taiwanese, and to move toward policies and decisions that reflect the views of ordinary people, the men and women in the street. In particular this means:
One, an end to the extraordinary powers vested in the SID. The Legislative Yuan should immediately pass legislation abolishing the division.
Two, Taiwan needs judicial reform, completely removing political influence from the judiciary. The judicial branch needs to be completely independent from both the executive and legislative branch of government, so that Taiwan can enjoy clear separation of powers.
Three, Taiwan needs legislative reform so that legislators can truly represent their constituencies and the legislature becomes an effective and efficient part of the system of governance. The legislative process needs to become a true give-and-take of political negotiations in which all political opinions are shown respect and decisions are made on the basis of rational discussion.
As overseas Taiwanese, we also fully endorse the statement issued by the 29 international academics and writers who expressed their concerns in a statement titled “Human rights, democracy threatened,” published in the Taipei Times on Oct. 14 and in the Liberty Times (the Taipei Times’ sister newspaper) on Oct. 16.
Signatories:
United States
1. Formosan Association for Public Affairs (FAPA)
2. Chen Wen-chen Memorial Foundation (CWCMF)
3. Formosan Association for Human Rights (FAHR)
4. Friends of Taiwan – Los Angeles, California
5. Institute for Taiwanese Studies (ITS) – Cerritos, California
6. North American Taiwanese Engineering and Science Association (NATEA)
7. North American Taiwanese Professors’ Association
8. North American Taiwanese Women’s Association
9. Southern California Taiwanese Club – Los Angeles, California
10. Taiwanese American Center of Northern California
11. Taiwanese Association of America (TAA)
12. Taiwanese Association of America, Chicago Chapter
13. Taiwanese Association of America, Cincinnati Chapter
14. Taiwanese Association of America, Columbus Chapter
15. Taiwanese Association of America, Greater Baltimore Chapter
16. Taiwanese Association of America, Greater Washington Chapter
17. Taiwanese Association of America, Northern New Jersey Chapter
18. Taiwanese Alliance of Interculture (TAI) – San Jose, California
19. Taiwanese Americans Perspectives (TAP) – Los Angeles, California
20. Taiwan Christian Church Council in North America (TCCCNA)
21. Taiwan Center – New York
22. Taiwan Culture Center – Greater Washington
23. Taiwan Hakka Association For Public Affairs In North America
24. World United Formosans for Independence United States
25. World Taiwanese Congress
Canada
26. Formosan Association for Public Affairs Canada
27. Greater Vancouver Taiwanese Senior Association
28. Society of Taiwanese Canadian History in British Columbia
29. Taiwanese Canadian Association
30. Taiwanese Canadian Association – Greater Vancouver Chapter
31. Taiwanese Canadian Association –Toronto Chapter
32. Taiwanese Canadian Church Association of Toronto
33. Taiwanese Canadian Heritage Association
34. Taiwanese Human Rights Association of Canada (THRAC)
35. Taiwanese Senior Association of Toronto
36. Taiwanese Women’s Association of Toronto
37. World Federation of Taiwanese Associations (WFTA)
38. World United Formosans for Independence Canada
Latin America
39. Taiwanese Association of Ecuador
Europe
40. European Federation of Taiwanese Associations -- London, United Kingdom
41. European Federation of Taiwanese Women Associations, Hamburg, Germany
42. Formosan Association for Public Affairs United Kingdom
43. Taiwanese Association in the United Kingdom
44. Taiwanese Student Association in the United Kingdom
45. World United Formosans for Independence Europe
Japan
46. Japan Taiwanese Medical Union
47. Taiwanese Association in Japan
48. Taiwanese Women’s Association in Japan
49. World United Formosans for Independence Japan
The Executive Yuan recently revised a page of its Web site on ethnic groups in Taiwan, replacing the term “Han” (漢族) with “the rest of the population.” The page, which was updated on March 24, describes the composition of Taiwan’s registered households as indigenous (2.5 percent), foreign origin (1.2 percent) and the rest of the population (96.2 percent). The change was picked up by a social media user and amplified by local media, sparking heated discussion over the weekend. The pan-blue and pro-China camp called it a politically motivated desinicization attempt to obscure the Han Chinese ethnicity of most Taiwanese.
On Wednesday last week, the Rossiyskaya Gazeta published an article by Chinese President Xi Jinping (習近平) asserting the People’s Republic of China’s (PRC) territorial claim over Taiwan effective 1945, predicated upon instruments such as the 1943 Cairo Declaration and the 1945 Potsdam Proclamation. The article further contended that this de jure and de facto status was subsequently reaffirmed by UN General Assembly Resolution 2758 of 1971. The Ministry of Foreign Affairs promptly issued a statement categorically repudiating these assertions. In addition to the reasons put forward by the ministry, I believe that China’s assertions are open to questions in international
The Legislative Yuan passed an amendment on Friday last week to add four national holidays and make Workers’ Day a national holiday for all sectors — a move referred to as “four plus one.” The Chinese Nationalist Party (KMT) and the Taiwan People’s Party (TPP), who used their combined legislative majority to push the bill through its third reading, claim the holidays were chosen based on their inherent significance and social relevance. However, in passing the amendment, they have stuck to the traditional mindset of taking a holiday just for the sake of it, failing to make good use of
As strategic tensions escalate across the vast Indo-Pacific region, Taiwan has emerged as more than a potential flashpoint. It is the fulcrum upon which the credibility of the evolving American-led strategy of integrated deterrence now rests. How the US and regional powers like Japan respond to Taiwan’s defense, and how credible the deterrent against Chinese aggression proves to be, will profoundly shape the Indo-Pacific security architecture for years to come. A successful defense of Taiwan through strengthened deterrence in the Indo-Pacific would enhance the credibility of the US-led alliance system and underpin America’s global preeminence, while a failure of integrated deterrence would