Despite some academics from renowned US think tanks, such as the American Enterprise Institute and the Center for Strategic and International Studies, as well as a minority of members from the US Senate, House of Representatives and Congress, openly expressing their support for the East China Sea peace initiative proposed by President Ma Ying-jeou (馬英九), this does not mean the government of US President Barack Obama will support the Ma administration’s policy ideas when it comes to the disputed Diaoyutai Islands (釣魚台), known as the Senkaku Islands in Japan.
The reason for this is that Taiwan hopes the US can play a neutral role in the Diaoyutais issue and that China, Japan and itself can negotiate on the issue while also sharing resources from the islands.
However, this is not in line with security policies that the US has for the Asia-Pacific region or its strategic military deployment in the area.
Such a scenario could give China and Taiwan the chance to join forces and resist Japan.
This could also give Chinese military forces the opportunity to break what military strategists refer to as the “first island chain,” which would threaten US interests in the Asia-Pacific region.
Comments made by former deputy assistant secretary of state Randall Schriver during a meeting on US-Taiwan relations on Feb. 8 in Washington by the Heritage Foundation highlight this view.
Schriver said that although the US does not have a particular position when it comes to who the Diaoyutais belong to, it is not neutral when it comes to the issue because the Treaty of Mutual Cooperation and Security between the US and Japan states that the islands belong to Japan.
The US does not want to see these islands fall into the hands of China, and without Japan there is also no way the US could carry out its duty to protect Taiwan as stipulated in the Taiwan Relations Act.
The East China Sea peace initiative that Ma proposed on Sept. 9 last year, and his hope that the US can keep a neutral stance on the Diaoyutais issue, is wishful thinking on his part and these ideas are not in line with US strategic interests in the Asia-Pacific.
This is also evident from the way disputes over the sovereignty of the Diaoyutais have been heating up over the past six months, with China and Japan at loggerheads with each other and a high possibility of war.
This can further be seen as the US has not come out in any official way or used the East China Sea peace initiative as a means to solve the disputes over the Diaoyutais. It has instead chosen to keep a hard stance about Japan having jurisdiction over these islands.
Yao Chung-yuan is a strategy consultant at the Association for Managing Defense and Strategies.
Translated by Drew Cameron
Taiwan stands at the epicenter of a seismic shift that will determine the Indo-Pacific’s future security architecture. Whether deterrence prevails or collapses will reverberate far beyond the Taiwan Strait, fundamentally reshaping global power dynamics. The stakes could not be higher. Today, Taipei confronts an unprecedented convergence of threats from an increasingly muscular China that has intensified its multidimensional pressure campaign. Beijing’s strategy is comprehensive: military intimidation, diplomatic isolation, economic coercion, and sophisticated influence operations designed to fracture Taiwan’s democratic society from within. This challenge is magnified by Taiwan’s internal political divisions, which extend to fundamental questions about the island’s identity and future
The narrative surrounding Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi’s attendance at last week’s Shanghai Cooperation Organization (SCO) summit — where he held hands with Russian President Vladimir Putin and chatted amiably with Chinese President Xi Jinping (習近平) — was widely framed as a signal of Modi distancing himself from the US and edging closer to regional autocrats. It was depicted as Modi reacting to the levying of high US tariffs, burying the hatchet over border disputes with China, and heralding less engagement with the Quadrilateral Security dialogue (Quad) composed of the US, India, Japan and Australia. With Modi in China for the
The Jamestown Foundation last week published an article exposing Beijing’s oil rigs and other potential dual-use platforms in waters near Pratas Island (Dongsha Island, 東沙島). China’s activities there resembled what they did in the East China Sea, inside the exclusive economic zones of Japan and South Korea, as well as with other South China Sea claimants. However, the most surprising element of the report was that the authors’ government contacts and Jamestown’s own evinced little awareness of China’s activities. That Beijing’s testing of Taiwanese (and its allies) situational awareness seemingly went unnoticed strongly suggests the need for more intelligence. Taiwan’s naval
The Chinese Nationalist Party (KMT) has postponed its chairperson candidate registration for two weeks, and so far, nine people have announced their intention to run for chairperson, the most on record, with more expected to announce their campaign in the final days. On the evening of Aug. 23, shortly after seven KMT lawmakers survived recall votes, KMT Chairman Eric Chu (朱立倫) announced he would step down and urged Taichung Mayor Lu Shiow-yen (盧秀燕) to step in and lead the party back to power. Lu immediately ruled herself out the following day, leaving the subject in question. In the days that followed, several