After reading the Liberty Times (the Taipei Times’ sister newspaper) article by Lee Min-yung (李敏勇) on Feb. 19, I agree with his view that “because of the remnants of the Republic of China [ROC], the illusion of existence within another government’s system, Taiwan has yet to complete the construction of a sovereign independent state. Supporters of the ROC need to look at this plight.”
The ROC government-in-exile has occupied Taiwan for more than 60 years, resulting in great harm to Taiwanese.
The media have recently been discussing the so-called “1992 consensus,” the “1996 consensus,” a “constitutional consensus,” a “Taiwan consensus” and other political slogans. These are just slogans created to mislead the public. They do not help solve the issue of Taiwan’s sovereignty and independence.
Some people are also just using elections to gain power within the system. However, the existence of the privilege elected officials enjoy does not solve the issue, either. Taiwan is still trapped in the system of the ROC government-in-exile.
Thirteen years ago, in the article “Taiwanese Sovereignty, Independence and the Republic of China,” my late husband, C.C. Yang (楊基銓), concluded that “the only way is to clearly define the distinction between Taiwan and China — the clearer the better — and believe that if we do all these, Taiwan can gain the acceptance of all countries and emerge to become a truly sovereign and independent state.”
Over the years, I pondered why Taiwanese always want to struggle for power within the system. Why not use historical evidence and principles of international law to break away from the ROC government? Is it because of the selfishness of Taiwan’s political figures?
The recent incident of the Philippine government sending Taiwanese fraud suspects to China is the product of the system of the ROC government. If you don’t want to break away from the system, you can only blame yourself and not President Ma Ying-Jeou’s (馬英九) administration.
To save Taiwan from Chinese annexation, we should all recognize this fact and work on breaking away — as soon as possible — from this government-in-exile system.
Yang Liu Hsiu-hwa is chairman of the International Cultural Foundation.
KMT Chairwoman Cheng Li-wun’s (鄭麗文) recent visit to Beijing and her upcoming visit to Washington will serve as a high-level test of her diplomatic mettle. In Beijing, Cheng was received with symbolic gestures, a warm reception, and high-level access. In Washington, she will receive far less pomp and far sharper questions about the KMT’s vision for the future of Taiwan. Her challenge will be to persuade Washington that the KMT’s engagement with China can coexist with strong deterrence. Cheng’s April 7-12 visit to mainland China coincided with an intense period of conflict in Iran. Despite the strategic significance of Cheng’s trip,
The closure of the Strait of Hormuz has sent the vast Asian chemicals industry into a tailspin. Deprived of the likes of Qatari natural gas and Saudi Arabian oil, the region’s fertilizer and plastics plants are slowing production or even shutting down. Everywhere except China, that is. In petrochemicals, China is unique. As well as a traditional industry that uses oil and gas as feedstock, it has parallel output that relies on its abundant domestic coal. Unsurprisingly, India and other regional powers want to copy and paste the Chinese method. This would not be easy — or climate friendly. The
US President Donald Trump recently repeated his claim that “Taiwan stole America’s chip industry,” reigniting public debate on the issue. As a former Taiwanese minister of economic affairs and an entrepreneur deeply involved in semiconductor supply chain development, I feel a responsibility to clarify this misunderstanding. From the perspective of global industrial evolution and the economic principle of comparative advantage, such a statement appears overly simplistic and risks obscuring the essence of the issue. The rise of Taiwan’s semiconductor industry was not built on “replacing America,” but rather emerged as a result of countries pursuing different development paths within the
Indonesian President Prabowo Subianto says he knows how to fix the problems facing Indonesia. Yet his economic mismanagement and authoritarian tendencies are steering the nation toward a familiar mix of currency instability and political chaos. The world’s fourth-most populous nation risks reversing the hard-won democratic and business reforms that came after the Asian Financial Crisis in 1997. At that time, the rupiah collapsed and the political upheaval that followed forced former president Haji Mohamed Suharto from power. Prabowo’s administration is ignoring similar warning signs. That disconnect was apparent in a national address on Wednesday, when Prabowo projected the swagger that has