“In handling the case of the rape and murder of a little girl that happened at the Air Force Operations Command in 1996, the Ministry of National Defense contravened legal regulations by passing the whole case over to the counter-intelligence team of the Air Force Command Headquarters’ Fourth Political Warfare Department, which subjected the accused, Chiang Kuo-ching (江國慶), to unlawful investigation and questioning.”
“This department’s investigative and trial units did not examine in detail the arbitrary nature of Chiang’s confession and when they found out that there was thought to be another suspect in the case, they compiled a report based on a poor investigation, in which they ignored evidence which contradicted the prosecution case. On this basis, they swiftly carried out the death penalty against Chiang Kuo-ching.”
This passage is an extract from the Control Yuan’s report correcting the defense ministry’s negligent handling of the case.
The case in question occurred 14 years ago. Military investigators had fixed their sights on Chiang, an Air Force conscript, as a suspect in the girl’s rape and murder. Before long, Chiang’s father, Chiang Chih-an (江支安), started protesting, saying that his son had been falsely accused.
The Judicial Reform Foundation offered assistance by actively appealing to the Control Yuan, but the defense ministry, under pressure to get the trial over with quickly, condemned Chiang Kuo-ching to death little more than a year after the crime occurred. He was executed by gunshot.
The only positive thing that came out of the case is that it did not fade away following the execution. On the contrary, it provoked much discussion in the legal profession and among media commentators, leading finally to the Control Yuan’s official correction of numerous unlawful and negligent aspects of the defense ministry’s handling of the case. In the interests of justice, the Control Yuan has also called for the case to be reinvestigated.
Some people say the mistakes in this case were committed in a trial under military law and that no such thing could happen now. The reality is quite the contrary. Control Yuan members investigating Chiang’s case found that details of the little girl’s rape and murder had much in common with those of another case which happened around the same time in which a girl was raped with a bamboo stake.
The Control Yuan team thinks it very likely that the two crimes were committed by the same person. The suspect in the bamboo case also requested that these similarities be investigated, but the trial judges did not heed the request. Only years later, when the suspect in the bamboo case received a final not-guilty verdict, did it emerge that prosecutors had gathered evidence in a careless fashion when the case first occurred, making a follow-up investigation impossible and leaving the case in limbo.
Some may think that such negligent, absurd and unlawful handling of a case could only happen in a court martial, but isn’t it obvious that prosecutors’ handling of the bamboo case under civilian law was not much different? The judges in that case, too, did not consider possible leads when they should have and this led to irreparable mistakes. Errors in the handling of these two cases caused Chiang Kuo-ching’s life to be taken from him by the executioner’s bullet, and to the tragedy of the man accused in the bamboo case being dragged through the courts for 13 years before being acquitted. In addition, the dead victims cannot rest in peace.
According to the US advocacy group Death Penalty Information Center, 139 death row prisoners were exonerated and released in the US between 1976 and last year, a number that continues to grow along with advances in forensic science. Clearly, then, wrongful, mistaken and falsified cases are not just things of the past, they are problems of the present. If such fatal errors can be made in the US, whose judicial system is more refined than Taiwan’s, the situation in Taiwan can hardly be any better.
The conclusion is clear. Chiang Kuo-ching’s wrongful conviction, which was brought about, intentionally or through error, by those who investigated and tried his case, has implications for the past and the present, and for both military and civilian justice. We should be concerned about the malicious handling of criminal cases. Those guilty of unlawful and negligent practices should be severely punished, and everything possible should be done to compensate for the harm done. More important still, efforts must be made to improve the system, such as preventing torture and ensuring the right of the accused to assistance from a lawyer. Judges and prosecutors should be monitored and those guilty of malpractice removed from their posts.
No matter what improvements are made to the system, however, shortcomings will inevitably occur. For example, until little more than a year ago, some prosecutors of the justice ministry’s Investigation Bureau did not allow attending defense lawyers to check the accuracy of interrogation records on behalf of their clients. A regulation was enacted in 1997, demanding that full-length audio-visual recordings must be made when the accused is being questioned, but in practice some investigators still use unlawful means to force those accused of crimes to confess, and then tape a staged note-taking that has been rehearsed beforehand.
Whatever changes may be made to the system, some people will always find a way around them. The reality is that, while the criminal procedure regulations volumes get thicker and thicker, they will never be enough to eliminate unlawful practices in the course of investigations and trials.
The recent furor over capital punishment has shown that most members of the public think that a sentence, once confirmed, should be “carried out according to the law,” and that he/she who takes a life should pay with their life, with no room for negotiation. Looking back at Chiang Kuo-ching’s case, his conviction was confirmed, too, but the Control Yuan later found the case to be full of holes. Was Chiang Kuo-ching’s execution not an instance of carrying out the sentence according to the law?
The mistake that was made can never be reversed and no amount of state compensation can give Chiang’s father back his beloved son. If, as some insist, he who takes a life must pay with his life, then who will pay with their life when the state wrongfully executes a death row inmate? Who will take the bullet for this injustice — the investigators, the prosecutors or the trial judges?
Lin Feng-jeng is a lawyer and executive director of the Judicial Reform Foundation.
TRANSLATED BY JULIAN CLEGG
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