World United Formosans for Independence (WUFI) was formed on Jan. 1, 1970, by five Taiwanese independence organizations in Japan, the US, Canada, Europe and Taiwan. They were later joined by an organization from South America. This event symbolized the coming together of Taiwanese at home and overseas, and it created quite a sensation.
The Taiwanese independence movement faced different pressures here and abroad. Overseas, it was referred to as an independence movement rather than a democratic movement, while in Taiwan, it was referred to as a democratic movement.
Increasing Taiwanese consciousness is a principle common to the movement in Taiwan and abroad. Freedom, democracy and human rights are values respected and upheld by the alliance. Regardless of whether the movement was viewed as an independence or a democratic movement, they shared the same resistance to the invasion of Taiwan by the People’s Republic of China (PRC).
However, slogans like “overthrow the alien regime in the Republic of China [ROC] and establish an independent Republic of Taiwan” were a lot louder abroad than in Taiwan.
In the past, the Taiwanese independence movement was based on Taiwanese nationalism and the view that Taiwanese consciousness had to be raised to the level of Taiwanese nationalism to be able to resist Chinese nationalism.
As for the view that the ROC government was an alien regime, the democratization of Taiwan and the government’s move toward localization weakened the calls for overturning the ROC system and were replaced by calls for ending the ROC. Electoral participation increased the number of independence and democracy activists in the government, which became a problem for the independence movement, which was trying to determine how to deal with the “ROC system.” Opinions differed on whether Taiwan was sovereign or whether its sovereignty remained undetermined.
Maybe a new slogan aimed at reinforcing unity could be “Taiwanese working together for Taiwanese sovereignty.”
In 1991, following the lifting of the government’s black list, WUFI moved its headquarters to Taiwan. Following the move, WUFI decided on a “scissors theory” combining mass movements with electoral activities. While this strategy does not seem to have been successful and cracks are beginning to appear, it has had a positive influence on integration and cooperation with other social groups.
In 1987, WUFI changed its Chinese name from the “alliance for Taiwanese independence” (台灣獨立聯盟) to the “alliance for Taiwanese independence and nation building” (台灣獨立建國聯盟). When WUFI was just established, it — like several other independence movements — made the founding of a new and independent Taiwanese republic its goal.
The Republic of Taiwan does not seek to inherit the ROC system, nor does it seek independence from the PRC. WUFI has always strived for the foundation of a new nation, the Republic of Taiwan.
Participating in public elections under the ROC framework, politicians can easily become integrated in the ROC system and work for the continued existence of the ROC. Concern for the future of Taiwan demands that we stress that the newly founded Taiwanese state would not be a continuation of China’s, nor would it mean separating from China. This is the only way to build a completely new and safe position for Taiwan.
Ng Chiau-tong is chairman of the World United Formosans for Independence.
Translated by Drew Cameron and Perry Svensson
KMT Chairwoman Cheng Li-wun’s (鄭麗文) recent visit to Beijing and her upcoming visit to Washington will serve as a high-level test of her diplomatic mettle. In Beijing, Cheng was received with symbolic gestures, a warm reception, and high-level access. In Washington, she will receive far less pomp and far sharper questions about the KMT’s vision for the future of Taiwan. Her challenge will be to persuade Washington that the KMT’s engagement with China can coexist with strong deterrence. Cheng’s April 7-12 visit to mainland China coincided with an intense period of conflict in Iran. Despite the strategic significance of Cheng’s trip,
The closure of the Strait of Hormuz has sent the vast Asian chemicals industry into a tailspin. Deprived of the likes of Qatari natural gas and Saudi Arabian oil, the region’s fertilizer and plastics plants are slowing production or even shutting down. Everywhere except China, that is. In petrochemicals, China is unique. As well as a traditional industry that uses oil and gas as feedstock, it has parallel output that relies on its abundant domestic coal. Unsurprisingly, India and other regional powers want to copy and paste the Chinese method. This would not be easy — or climate friendly. The
US President Donald Trump recently repeated his claim that “Taiwan stole America’s chip industry,” reigniting public debate on the issue. As a former Taiwanese minister of economic affairs and an entrepreneur deeply involved in semiconductor supply chain development, I feel a responsibility to clarify this misunderstanding. From the perspective of global industrial evolution and the economic principle of comparative advantage, such a statement appears overly simplistic and risks obscuring the essence of the issue. The rise of Taiwan’s semiconductor industry was not built on “replacing America,” but rather emerged as a result of countries pursuing different development paths within the
The Presidential Office on Saturday reiterated that Taiwan is a sovereign, independent nation after US President Donald Trump said that Taiwan should not “go independent.” “We’re not looking to have somebody say: ‘Let’s go independence because the United States is backing us,’” Trump said in an interview with Fox News aired on Friday. President William Lai (賴清德) on Monday said that the Republic of China (ROC) — Taiwan’s official name — and the People’s Republic of China (PRC) are not subordinate to each other. Speaking at an event marking the 40th anniversary of the establishment of the Democratic Progressive Party (DPP), Lai said
RSS