World United Formosans for Independence (WUFI) was formed on Jan. 1, 1970, by five Taiwanese independence organizations in Japan, the US, Canada, Europe and Taiwan. They were later joined by an organization from South America. This event symbolized the coming together of Taiwanese at home and overseas, and it created quite a sensation.
The Taiwanese independence movement faced different pressures here and abroad. Overseas, it was referred to as an independence movement rather than a democratic movement, while in Taiwan, it was referred to as a democratic movement.
Increasing Taiwanese consciousness is a principle common to the movement in Taiwan and abroad. Freedom, democracy and human rights are values respected and upheld by the alliance. Regardless of whether the movement was viewed as an independence or a democratic movement, they shared the same resistance to the invasion of Taiwan by the People’s Republic of China (PRC).
However, slogans like “overthrow the alien regime in the Republic of China [ROC] and establish an independent Republic of Taiwan” were a lot louder abroad than in Taiwan.
In the past, the Taiwanese independence movement was based on Taiwanese nationalism and the view that Taiwanese consciousness had to be raised to the level of Taiwanese nationalism to be able to resist Chinese nationalism.
As for the view that the ROC government was an alien regime, the democratization of Taiwan and the government’s move toward localization weakened the calls for overturning the ROC system and were replaced by calls for ending the ROC. Electoral participation increased the number of independence and democracy activists in the government, which became a problem for the independence movement, which was trying to determine how to deal with the “ROC system.” Opinions differed on whether Taiwan was sovereign or whether its sovereignty remained undetermined.
Maybe a new slogan aimed at reinforcing unity could be “Taiwanese working together for Taiwanese sovereignty.”
In 1991, following the lifting of the government’s black list, WUFI moved its headquarters to Taiwan. Following the move, WUFI decided on a “scissors theory” combining mass movements with electoral activities. While this strategy does not seem to have been successful and cracks are beginning to appear, it has had a positive influence on integration and cooperation with other social groups.
In 1987, WUFI changed its Chinese name from the “alliance for Taiwanese independence” (台灣獨立聯盟) to the “alliance for Taiwanese independence and nation building” (台灣獨立建國聯盟). When WUFI was just established, it — like several other independence movements — made the founding of a new and independent Taiwanese republic its goal.
The Republic of Taiwan does not seek to inherit the ROC system, nor does it seek independence from the PRC. WUFI has always strived for the foundation of a new nation, the Republic of Taiwan.
Participating in public elections under the ROC framework, politicians can easily become integrated in the ROC system and work for the continued existence of the ROC. Concern for the future of Taiwan demands that we stress that the newly founded Taiwanese state would not be a continuation of China’s, nor would it mean separating from China. This is the only way to build a completely new and safe position for Taiwan.
Ng Chiau-tong is chairman of the World United Formosans for Independence.
Translated by Drew Cameron and Perry Svensson
China has not been a top-tier issue for much of the second Trump administration. Instead, Trump has focused considerable energy on Ukraine, Israel, Iran, and defending America’s borders. At home, Trump has been busy passing an overhaul to America’s tax system, deporting unlawful immigrants, and targeting his political enemies. More recently, he has been consumed by the fallout of a political scandal involving his past relationship with a disgraced sex offender. When the administration has focused on China, there has not been a consistent throughline in its approach or its public statements. This lack of overarching narrative likely reflects a combination
Behind the gloating, the Chinese Nationalist Party (KMT) must be letting out a big sigh of relief. Its powerful party machine saved the day, but it took that much effort just to survive a challenge mounted by a humble group of active citizens, and in areas where the KMT is historically strong. On the other hand, the Democratic Progressive Party (DPP) must now realize how toxic a brand it has become to many voters. The campaigners’ amateurism is what made them feel valid and authentic, but when the DPP belatedly inserted itself into the campaign, it did more harm than good. The
US President Donald Trump’s alleged request that Taiwanese President William Lai (賴清德) not stop in New York while traveling to three of Taiwan’s diplomatic allies, after his administration also rescheduled a visit to Washington by the minister of national defense, sets an unwise precedent and risks locking the US into a trajectory of either direct conflict with the People’s Republic of China (PRC) or capitulation to it over Taiwan. Taiwanese authorities have said that no plans to request a stopover in the US had been submitted to Washington, but Trump shared a direct call with Chinese President Xi Jinping (習近平)
Workers’ rights groups on July 17 called on the Ministry of Labor to protect migrant fishers, days after CNN reported what it described as a “pattern of abuse” in Taiwan’s distant-water fishing industry. The report detailed the harrowing account of Indonesian migrant fisher Silwanus Tangkotta, who crushed his fingers in a metal door last year while aboard a Taiwanese fishing vessel. The captain reportedly refused to return to port for medical treatment, as they “hadn’t caught enough fish to justify the trip.” Tangkotta lost two fingers, and was fired and denied compensation upon returning to land. Another former migrant fisher, Adrian Dogdodo
RSS