World United Formosans for Independence (WUFI) was formed on Jan. 1, 1970, by five Taiwanese independence organizations in Japan, the US, Canada, Europe and Taiwan. They were later joined by an organization from South America. This event symbolized the coming together of Taiwanese at home and overseas, and it created quite a sensation.
The Taiwanese independence movement faced different pressures here and abroad. Overseas, it was referred to as an independence movement rather than a democratic movement, while in Taiwan, it was referred to as a democratic movement.
Increasing Taiwanese consciousness is a principle common to the movement in Taiwan and abroad. Freedom, democracy and human rights are values respected and upheld by the alliance. Regardless of whether the movement was viewed as an independence or a democratic movement, they shared the same resistance to the invasion of Taiwan by the People’s Republic of China (PRC).
However, slogans like “overthrow the alien regime in the Republic of China [ROC] and establish an independent Republic of Taiwan” were a lot louder abroad than in Taiwan.
In the past, the Taiwanese independence movement was based on Taiwanese nationalism and the view that Taiwanese consciousness had to be raised to the level of Taiwanese nationalism to be able to resist Chinese nationalism.
As for the view that the ROC government was an alien regime, the democratization of Taiwan and the government’s move toward localization weakened the calls for overturning the ROC system and were replaced by calls for ending the ROC. Electoral participation increased the number of independence and democracy activists in the government, which became a problem for the independence movement, which was trying to determine how to deal with the “ROC system.” Opinions differed on whether Taiwan was sovereign or whether its sovereignty remained undetermined.
Maybe a new slogan aimed at reinforcing unity could be “Taiwanese working together for Taiwanese sovereignty.”
In 1991, following the lifting of the government’s black list, WUFI moved its headquarters to Taiwan. Following the move, WUFI decided on a “scissors theory” combining mass movements with electoral activities. While this strategy does not seem to have been successful and cracks are beginning to appear, it has had a positive influence on integration and cooperation with other social groups.
In 1987, WUFI changed its Chinese name from the “alliance for Taiwanese independence” (台灣獨立聯盟) to the “alliance for Taiwanese independence and nation building” (台灣獨立建國聯盟). When WUFI was just established, it — like several other independence movements — made the founding of a new and independent Taiwanese republic its goal.
The Republic of Taiwan does not seek to inherit the ROC system, nor does it seek independence from the PRC. WUFI has always strived for the foundation of a new nation, the Republic of Taiwan.
Participating in public elections under the ROC framework, politicians can easily become integrated in the ROC system and work for the continued existence of the ROC. Concern for the future of Taiwan demands that we stress that the newly founded Taiwanese state would not be a continuation of China’s, nor would it mean separating from China. This is the only way to build a completely new and safe position for Taiwan.
Ng Chiau-tong is chairman of the World United Formosans for Independence.
Translated by Drew Cameron and Perry Svensson
President William Lai (賴清德) attended a dinner held by the American Israel Public Affairs Committee (AIPAC) when representatives from the group visited Taiwan in October. In a speech at the event, Lai highlighted similarities in the geopolitical challenges faced by Israel and Taiwan, saying that the two countries “stand on the front line against authoritarianism.” Lai noted how Taiwan had “immediately condemned” the Oct. 7, 2023, attack on Israel by Hamas and had provided humanitarian aid. Lai was heavily criticized from some quarters for standing with AIPAC and Israel. On Nov. 4, the Taipei Times published an opinion article (“Speak out on the
Eighty-seven percent of Taiwan’s energy supply this year came from burning fossil fuels, with more than 47 percent of that from gas-fired power generation. The figures attracted international attention since they were in October published in a Reuters report, which highlighted the fragility and structural challenges of Taiwan’s energy sector, accumulated through long-standing policy choices. The nation’s overreliance on natural gas is proving unstable and inadequate. The rising use of natural gas does not project an image of a Taiwan committed to a green energy transition; rather, it seems that Taiwan is attempting to patch up structural gaps in lieu of
News about expanding security cooperation between Israel and Taiwan, including the visits of Deputy Minister of National Defense Po Horng-huei (柏鴻輝) in September and Deputy Minister of Foreign Affairs Francois Wu (吳志中) this month, as well as growing ties in areas such as missile defense and cybersecurity, should not be viewed as isolated events. The emphasis on missile defense, including Taiwan’s newly introduced T-Dome project, is simply the most visible sign of a deeper trend that has been taking shape quietly over the past two to three years. Taipei is seeking to expand security and defense cooperation with Israel, something officials
“Can you tell me where the time and motivation will come from to get students to improve their English proficiency in four years of university?” The teacher’s question — not accusatory, just slightly exasperated — was directed at the panelists at the end of a recent conference on English language learning at Taiwanese universities. Perhaps thankfully for the professors on stage, her question was too big for the five minutes remaining. However, it hung over the venue like an ominous cloud on an otherwise sunny-skies day of research into English as a medium of instruction and the government’s Bilingual Nation 2030
RSS