It came as a real surprise that Wu Den-yih (吳敦義) was appointed to lead the Cabinet; his predecessor Liu Chao-shiuan (劉兆玄) had been certain that there would only be a minor reshuffle. Perhaps the size of the discrepancy between public expectations and performance and the need to restore public approval forced President Ma Ying-jeou (馬英九) to make Liu assume all responsibility for the government’s handling of Typhoon Morakot. It is clear, however, that the new Cabinet line-up is mediocre.
Wu, formerly Chinese Nationalist Party (KMT) secretary-general, prevailed over Taichung Mayor Jason Hu (胡志強), so the potentially popular triumvirate of Ma, Vice Premier Eric Chu (朱立倫) and Hu did not materialize. But the well-regarded Chu is likely the one whom Ma wants to nurture as successor. The only reasonable explanation for the sudden choice of Wu is that Ma wanted him to cover for Chu, especially since it is uncertain that the KMT — even with its hands on government resources — will do well in city and county elections at the end of the year.
The Nantou-born Wu has served as legislator, county commissioner and even mayor of a special municipality (Kaohsiung). He missed out only on running for provincial governor. Historical experience shows that serving as either Taipei or Kaohsiung mayor is a precursor to becoming premier and even president.
Although Wu lacks experience in the central government, he is the only suitable candidate among the pan-blue political elite, apart from People First Party (PFP) Chairman James Soong (宋楚瑜), who performed well during his time as provincial governor, and KMT Chairman Wu Poh-hsiung (吳伯雄).
However, whether one views the new Cabinet as “election-oriented” or as one that “fills the cracks,” the line-up indicates that Wu has limited influence over personnel arrangements; some Cabinet members were even retained at the president’s request. This points to the transitional nature of Wu’s premiership.
So, besides the power of appointment over the heads of the Ministry of Defense, the Ministry of Foreign Affairs and the Mainland Affairs Council, Ma has a decisive say over the appointment of other portfolios that are traditionally the realm of the premier. The new Cabinet is thus an extension of Ma’s personnel strategy during his two terms as Taipei mayor. With his original cadres staying on, Ma has grabbed the opportunity to put his people in charge of the eight key ministries.
If former minister of foreign affairs Francisco Ou (歐鴻鍊) was replaced because he was out of the loop and former minister of national defense Chen Chao-min (陳肇敏) stepped down because of his handling of disaster relief, the replacement of former minister of education Cheng Jei-cheng (鄭瑞城) is not so easily explained. It seemed that Cheng lost his job because he smiled while inspecting schools in disaster zones — something that was shown on pan-green broadcast media outlets. But the real reason was his unwillingness to listen to pan-blue-camp legislators. Accusations that he was “light green” or not “blue” enough were just pretexts for his dismissal.
Former Research, Development and Evaluation Commission chairman Jiang Yi-huah (江宜樺) had planned on returning to academia, but he was retained by Ma and put in charge of the Ministry of the Interior.
Under late president Chiang Ching-kuo (蔣經國), the interior ministry was in charge of police, household registration, social clubs and religious matters, but it was also the ministry with the most complicated duties and the least respect. With ethnic balance in mind, this portfolio was retained for Taiwanese politicians.
When the Democratic Progressive Party took power, Mainlander academics took the portfolio based on similar considerations.
When Ma assumed office, he had Taiwanese take over foreign affairs-related portfolios because the premier was a Mainlander. His latest move to control the interior ministry, however, reflects his ambition to suppress local factions.
If academics in their ivory towers struggle to show sympathy for the public, then politicians tend to be characterized by their affection for the ordinary voter. It is often the case that civil servants-turned-political appointees are incapable of shouldering responsibilities despite their expertise. Compared with the previous “academic Cabinet,” some are calling the new line-up a “public opinion” Cabinet because Wu and Chu began their political careers through election.
However, the majority of Cabinet members remain technical experts. If Ma has control over KMT headquarters, then the biggest challenge for the loquacious premier will come from the legislature.
Before resigning, Liu said: “God bless the Republic of China; God bless the people of Taiwan.”
This suggests that Wu will be needing the blessing of his compatriots.
Shih Cheng-feng is dean of the College of Indigenous Studies at National Dong Hwa University.
TRANSLATED BY TED YANG
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