“I heard about this two hours ago,” says Meghna Nayaka, 23, holding a beer. “I was going to meet a friend for a drink anyway, so I thought, why not make a statement while we do it?”
Meghna and Becky, 24, are CarrotMobbing. They and others have swarmed, as part of a virtually mobilized group, on a small business to reward it with their custom. Tonight the business is the Redchurch, a bar near Brick Lane in east London, the owners of which have promised to spend 20 percent of the day’s takings on environmental upgrades on the premises. In return, trade is brisk — unprecedented, says the owner, for a Tuesday evening in September. Next time the mob will pick somewhere different to reward — maybe a corner shop or a pharmacy, the type of store they might frequent anyway.
The difference is that the business will have competed for custom and committed to adopting greener practices, and the mob organizers will have mobilized a spending spree to patronize the winner.
CarrotMobbing emerged in the US earlier this year. It uses the “carrot” of consumer buying rather than the “stick” of boycotting or bad publicity to encourage ethical business. The argument is that alone, our consumer choices make a minimal impact, but together and organized we unlock a bigger bargaining power.
CarrotMobbers talk about “liberating” their capital. They make demands of their suppliers; green improvements in exchange for loyalty. And they are prepared to reward in a language that companies understand: cash.
The receipt roll had to be changed three times at the San Francisco CarrotMob. Three hundred shoppers assembled at K&D Market in the city to spend US$9,276.50 in a couple of hours.
Beforehand, Brent Schulkin, founder of CarrotMob.org, met 24 shops in his area, telling each that he was organizing a network of consumers and asking them to offer energy efficiency improvements in exchange for their patronage. Competing offers were evaluated, and K&D Market bid highest, pledging that 22 percent of the day’s takings would be used to improve the lighting system and the hazardous waste disposal. It got environmental upgrades plus an improved reputation. The mob got a cleaner, greener local store.
Direct action is nothing new, but usually it is in opposition to a system, rather than in cooperation with it. And now it has been mobilized by social networking.
“In the past when you wanted to say, ‘Let’s reward this one business,’” Schulkin said. “You would have no easy way of knowing whether everyone else was going to reward them too, that it wouldn’t just be you.”
Today, with MySpace, Facebook, blogging, Twitter, Digg and YouTube calls to action, a single post from a credible, connected source such as Schulkin can mobilize what Web expert Howard Rheingold calls a “smart mob” in an instant.
Once rallied, the transition from online interest to offline activity is somewhat trickier, but CarrotMobbing is an activity people are happy with. It is about shopping. Milk, bread, beer: staples. There is no complicated barrier to entry.
“We’re not saying, come to the rally and chant against your enemy,” Schulkin said. “CarrotMobs are fun community events. We’re not asking you to go to some natural food store you’ve never heard of and buy some product you don’t know how to use. It’s familiar brands and familiar things to do.”
Shopping our way out of climate change has its critics. It’s difficult to make a serious bid for environmentalism just because you have bought your weekly staples from a mob-designated shop (and then put them in a plastic bag).
“You can make an argument that we’re promoting consumption,” Schulkin said. “But I think of it more that we’re targeting existing consumption. CarrotMobbing is not saying that you have to spend more money. The idea is that you are spending money you would already be spending, you’re just going to organize it. We harness the buying power of the casual consumer. This is not meant to be for the hardcore environmentalist, it’s a movement designed to appeal to the mainstream masses.”
Which is perhaps why its first British incarnation is being held in a pub.
Britain’s first CarrotMob was not as mobilized as San Francisco’s. It doesn’t have the spontaneous, can-do energy of buying toothpaste, together, at a designated time.
Punters are middle-class, work in renewables and bring their empty beer glasses back to the bar. Friends of the Earth and Greenpeace lobbyists network happily, and there are lots of people who call themselves “social entrepreneurs” but obviously spend too much time on the computer.
Still the bar is doing great business and, if nothing else, 100 punters in a credit slump has turned pub manager Rocky into an evangelizing green convert. When we go, we will leave a legacy of energy efficiency upgrades at the Redchurch, rubber-stamped by environmental assessors Global Action Plan.
Like all good Web 2.0 movements, CarrotMob is democratic. Anyone can plan a CarrotMob style event using Facebook. The next actions are already planned for Kansas City and Bristol, England in the middle of next month and there are branches in Israel, Australia, Brazil and South Africa.
Schulkin is globally ambitious and sees CarrotMob franchises all over the world translating good into profit with whole networks of CarrotMob-approved venues; a thousand different local campaigns and a million mobilized shoppers ready to put their money where their mouth is.
“At that point I think we have critical mass to take on the larger companies, “ he said. To demand that brands clean up their environmental policies or pay a living wage in return for mobbers’ custom.
“We are the economy,” Schulkin said. “We decide who gets rich.”
On April 19, former president Chen Shui-bian (陳水扁) gave a public speech, his first in about 17 years. During the address at the Ketagalan Institute in Taipei, Chen’s words were vague and his tone was sour. He said that democracy should not be used as an echo chamber for a single politician, that people must be tolerant of other views, that the president should not act as a dictator and that the judiciary should not get involved in politics. He then went on to say that others with different opinions should not be criticized as “XX fellow travelers,” in reference to
Chinese President and Chinese Communist Party (CCP) Chairman Xi Jinping (習近平) said in a politburo speech late last month that his party must protect the “bottom line” to prevent systemic threats. The tone of his address was grave, revealing deep anxieties about China’s current state of affairs. Essentially, what he worries most about is systemic threats to China’s normal development as a country. The US-China trade war has turned white hot: China’s export orders have plummeted, Chinese firms and enterprises are shutting up shop, and local debt risks are mounting daily, causing China’s economy to flag externally and hemorrhage internally. China’s
Taiwan People’s Party Legislator-at-large Liu Shu-pin (劉書彬) asked Premier Cho Jung-tai (卓榮泰) a question on Tuesday last week about President William Lai’s (賴清德) decision in March to officially define the People’s Republic of China (PRC), as governed by the Chinese Communist Party (CCP), as a foreign hostile force. Liu objected to Lai’s decision on two grounds. First, procedurally, suggesting that Lai did not have the right to unilaterally make that decision, and that Cho should have consulted with the Executive Yuan before he endorsed it. Second, Liu objected over national security concerns, saying that the CCP and Chinese President Xi
During the “426 rally” organized by the Chinese Nationalist Party (KMT) and the Taiwan People’s Party under the slogan “fight green communism, resist dictatorship,” leaders from the two opposition parties framed it as a battle against an allegedly authoritarian administration led by President William Lai (賴清德). While criticism of the government can be a healthy expression of a vibrant, pluralistic society, and protests are quite common in Taiwan, the discourse of the 426 rally nonetheless betrayed troubling signs of collective amnesia. Specifically, the KMT, which imposed 38 years of martial law in Taiwan from 1949 to 1987, has never fully faced its
RSS