“I heard about this two hours ago,” says Meghna Nayaka, 23, holding a beer. “I was going to meet a friend for a drink anyway, so I thought, why not make a statement while we do it?”
Meghna and Becky, 24, are CarrotMobbing. They and others have swarmed, as part of a virtually mobilized group, on a small business to reward it with their custom. Tonight the business is the Redchurch, a bar near Brick Lane in east London, the owners of which have promised to spend 20 percent of the day’s takings on environmental upgrades on the premises. In return, trade is brisk — unprecedented, says the owner, for a Tuesday evening in September. Next time the mob will pick somewhere different to reward — maybe a corner shop or a pharmacy, the type of store they might frequent anyway.
The difference is that the business will have competed for custom and committed to adopting greener practices, and the mob organizers will have mobilized a spending spree to patronize the winner.
CarrotMobbing emerged in the US earlier this year. It uses the “carrot” of consumer buying rather than the “stick” of boycotting or bad publicity to encourage ethical business. The argument is that alone, our consumer choices make a minimal impact, but together and organized we unlock a bigger bargaining power.
CarrotMobbers talk about “liberating” their capital. They make demands of their suppliers; green improvements in exchange for loyalty. And they are prepared to reward in a language that companies understand: cash.
The receipt roll had to be changed three times at the San Francisco CarrotMob. Three hundred shoppers assembled at K&D Market in the city to spend US$9,276.50 in a couple of hours.
Beforehand, Brent Schulkin, founder of CarrotMob.org, met 24 shops in his area, telling each that he was organizing a network of consumers and asking them to offer energy efficiency improvements in exchange for their patronage. Competing offers were evaluated, and K&D Market bid highest, pledging that 22 percent of the day’s takings would be used to improve the lighting system and the hazardous waste disposal. It got environmental upgrades plus an improved reputation. The mob got a cleaner, greener local store.
Direct action is nothing new, but usually it is in opposition to a system, rather than in cooperation with it. And now it has been mobilized by social networking.
“In the past when you wanted to say, ‘Let’s reward this one business,’” Schulkin said. “You would have no easy way of knowing whether everyone else was going to reward them too, that it wouldn’t just be you.”
Today, with MySpace, Facebook, blogging, Twitter, Digg and YouTube calls to action, a single post from a credible, connected source such as Schulkin can mobilize what Web expert Howard Rheingold calls a “smart mob” in an instant.
Once rallied, the transition from online interest to offline activity is somewhat trickier, but CarrotMobbing is an activity people are happy with. It is about shopping. Milk, bread, beer: staples. There is no complicated barrier to entry.
“We’re not saying, come to the rally and chant against your enemy,” Schulkin said. “CarrotMobs are fun community events. We’re not asking you to go to some natural food store you’ve never heard of and buy some product you don’t know how to use. It’s familiar brands and familiar things to do.”
Shopping our way out of climate change has its critics. It’s difficult to make a serious bid for environmentalism just because you have bought your weekly staples from a mob-designated shop (and then put them in a plastic bag).
“You can make an argument that we’re promoting consumption,” Schulkin said. “But I think of it more that we’re targeting existing consumption. CarrotMobbing is not saying that you have to spend more money. The idea is that you are spending money you would already be spending, you’re just going to organize it. We harness the buying power of the casual consumer. This is not meant to be for the hardcore environmentalist, it’s a movement designed to appeal to the mainstream masses.”
Which is perhaps why its first British incarnation is being held in a pub.
Britain’s first CarrotMob was not as mobilized as San Francisco’s. It doesn’t have the spontaneous, can-do energy of buying toothpaste, together, at a designated time.
Punters are middle-class, work in renewables and bring their empty beer glasses back to the bar. Friends of the Earth and Greenpeace lobbyists network happily, and there are lots of people who call themselves “social entrepreneurs” but obviously spend too much time on the computer.
Still the bar is doing great business and, if nothing else, 100 punters in a credit slump has turned pub manager Rocky into an evangelizing green convert. When we go, we will leave a legacy of energy efficiency upgrades at the Redchurch, rubber-stamped by environmental assessors Global Action Plan.
Like all good Web 2.0 movements, CarrotMob is democratic. Anyone can plan a CarrotMob style event using Facebook. The next actions are already planned for Kansas City and Bristol, England in the middle of next month and there are branches in Israel, Australia, Brazil and South Africa.
Schulkin is globally ambitious and sees CarrotMob franchises all over the world translating good into profit with whole networks of CarrotMob-approved venues; a thousand different local campaigns and a million mobilized shoppers ready to put their money where their mouth is.
“At that point I think we have critical mass to take on the larger companies, “ he said. To demand that brands clean up their environmental policies or pay a living wage in return for mobbers’ custom.
“We are the economy,” Schulkin said. “We decide who gets rich.”
A gap appears to be emerging between Washington’s foreign policy elites and the broader American public on how the United States should respond to China’s rise. From my vantage working at a think tank in Washington, DC, and through regular travel around the United States, I increasingly experience two distinct discussions. This divergence — between America’s elite hawkishness and public caution — may become one of the least appreciated and most consequential external factors influencing Taiwan’s security environment in the years ahead. Within the American policy community, the dominant view of China has grown unmistakably tough. Many members of Congress, as
After declaring Iran’s military “gone,” US President Donald Trump appealed to the UK, France, Japan and South Korea — as well as China, Iran’s strategic partner — to send minesweepers and naval forces to reopen the Strait of Hormuz. When allies balked, the request turned into a warning: NATO would face “a very bad” future if it refused. The prevailing wisdom is that Trump faces a credibility problem: having spent years insulting allies, he finds they would not rally when he needs them. That is true, but superficial, as though a structural collapse could be caused by wounded feelings. Something
Former Taipei mayor and Taiwan People’s Party (TPP) founding chairman Ko Wen-je (柯文哲) was sentenced to 17 years in prison on Thursday, making headlines across major media. However, another case linked to the TPP — the indictment of Chinese immigrant Xu Chunying (徐春鶯) for alleged violations of the Anti-Infiltration Act (反滲透法) on Tuesday — has also stirred up heated discussions. Born in Shanghai, Xu became a resident of Taiwan through marriage in 1993. Currently the director of the Taiwan New Immigrant Development Association, she was elected to serve as legislator-at-large for the TPP in 2023, but was later charged with involvement
Out of 64 participating universities in this year’s Stars Program — through which schools directly recommend their top students to universities for admission — only 19 filled their admissions quotas. There were 922 vacancies, down more than 200 from last year; top universities had 37 unfilled places, 40 fewer than last year. The original purpose of the Stars Program was to expand admissions to a wider range of students. However, certain departments at elite universities that failed to meet their admissions quotas are not improving. Vacancies at top universities are linked to students’ program preferences on their applications, but inappropriate admission