If he were alive today, famed Chinese intellectual, reformer and Chinese Communist Party co-founder Chen Duxiu (陳獨秀) would be impressed by the technological and economic advances that China has made, particularly since the demise of Mao Zedong (毛澤東). “Mr Science,” a term he made famous, has been served well. If, however, in this Olympic season, Chen were to talk to fellow intellectuals who did not fear to speak out against the leadership — and there are few such people on Chinese soil these days — he would surely be disturbed by the fate of Mr Science’s supposedly inseparable partner, “Mr Democracy.”
For most people, the Olympics are not about the individual sports, because most are forgotten about until the next Games roll around. They are not about gleaming infrastructure and temporary urban beautification, nor about the corporate impact of Games sponsors, nor even about the daily pollution index.
For most people the Olympics are about spectacle and emotion in top-class competition. And meaningful competition requires fairness, discipline and mutual respect.
In preparing these Games, China has invested extensively in infrastructure and security and even run campaigns teaching ordinary Beijing people how to act in a more “cultivated” manner. But in the process it has exploited undemocratic means to mistreat Chinese people not deemed worthy of fairness, discipline and respect: minorities, the unemployed, evictees, religious groups, illegally disenfranchised landowners and all the rest. And Beijing has shown precious little sign that it will change any of this out of association with the Olympic movement.
China’s ghastly and disgusting support for the tyrants in Sudan, Zimbabwe and Myanmar, despite the conspicuous suffering in those countries, could have derailed the Olympics. Only a disaster on the scale of the Sichuan earthquake could have salvaged any sense of sympathy for the Chinese agenda.
The Games may proceed without incident, though it is notable that the government has leapt at the opportunity to publicize a threat from Muslim extremists largely outside the country to smear the legitimate concerns of the Uighur people in Xinjiang.
Well-meaning Chinese have dreamed that the Games could help show China’s true face and earn the affection and respect of foreign visitors and athletes. Sadly for them, the true face has been shown. It started with grim paramilitary goons in blue tracksuits accompanying the Olympic torch on its embarrassing tour of democratic countries. And now the Games begin with broken promises on press freedom and shipping in party members to forcibly replace ordinary Chinese hoping to see the torch relay.
The paradox of China, it seems, will endure: It demands congratulation and recognition from the “one world” of the Olympic slogan for its achievements, but refuses to accept criticism for its failures and its degenerate aspects. “No interference in other countries’ internal affairs” is the other slogan: China wants everything and will concede nothing.
The conclusion can only be that today’s China is, in spirit, the same China that Lu Xun (魯迅) parodied in the first decades of last century: insecure, petulant, hypocritical, cynical and oppressive, despite seemingly limitless potential. In some ways, China may be devolving as new wealth and old power join hands to defend the political status quo and oppose reforms that would benefit all Chinese.
The authorities therefore must mask their refusal to meet the basic challenge underlying the opportunity they were granted in 2001: showing the world that China can have a civilized government.
So, let the spin begin.
A few weeks ago in Kaohsiung, tech mogul turned political pundit Robert Tsao (曹興誠) joined Western Washington University professor Chen Shih-fen (陳時奮) for a public forum in support of Taiwan’s recall campaign. Kaohsiung, already the most Taiwanese independence-minded city in Taiwan, was not in need of a recall. So Chen took a different approach: He made the case that unification with China would be too expensive to work. The argument was unusual. Most of the time, we hear that Taiwan should remain free out of respect for democracy and self-determination, but cost? That is not part of the usual script, and
China has not been a top-tier issue for much of the second Trump administration. Instead, Trump has focused considerable energy on Ukraine, Israel, Iran, and defending America’s borders. At home, Trump has been busy passing an overhaul to America’s tax system, deporting unlawful immigrants, and targeting his political enemies. More recently, he has been consumed by the fallout of a political scandal involving his past relationship with a disgraced sex offender. When the administration has focused on China, there has not been a consistent throughline in its approach or its public statements. This lack of overarching narrative likely reflects a combination
Behind the gloating, the Chinese Nationalist Party (KMT) must be letting out a big sigh of relief. Its powerful party machine saved the day, but it took that much effort just to survive a challenge mounted by a humble group of active citizens, and in areas where the KMT is historically strong. On the other hand, the Democratic Progressive Party (DPP) must now realize how toxic a brand it has become to many voters. The campaigners’ amateurism is what made them feel valid and authentic, but when the DPP belatedly inserted itself into the campaign, it did more harm than good. The
For nearly eight decades, Taiwan has provided a home for, and shielded and nurtured, the Chinese Nationalist Party (KMT). After losing the Chinese Civil War in 1949, the KMT fled to Taiwan, bringing with it hundreds of thousands of soldiers, along with people who would go on to become public servants and educators. The party settled and prospered in Taiwan, and it developed and governed the nation. Taiwan gave the party a second chance. It was Taiwanese who rebuilt order from the ruins of war, through their own sweat and tears. It was Taiwanese who joined forces with democratic activists
RSS