Since becoming head of state, President Ma Ying-jeou (馬英九) has maintained that, based on the Constitution, the premier is the administrative chief who has the highest authority over most domestic matters, while the president’s responsibilities chiefly lie in diplomacy, national defense and cross-strait relations.
Ma cited the Constitution for his silence amid public furor over rising fuel and commodity prices and farmers’ calls for help following flooding in the south.
The president’s recent conduct, however, appears to give lie to his argument.
On Friday, students, parents and alumni from Tainan County’s Tsungyeh Elementary School staged a demonstration outside the Ministry of Education, urging the ministry to stop the county government’s plan to close the school because of its remote location and low enrolment.
The following day, while visiting Hongye Elementary School in a remote part of Taitung County, the president spoke on behalf of Tsungyeh Elementary School, saying that closing down the school requires a review as it could widen the education gap between urban and rural areas.
Ma again surprised many on Tuesday, when he weighed in on the issue concerning former Ministry of Education secretary-general Chuang Kuo-rong (莊國榮).
Chuang on Saturday implied that National Chengchi University’s refusal to renew his teaching contract was politically motivated retaliation for his verbal attacks on Ma when he was running for the presidency.
Ma said he respected the university’s decision not to renew Chuang’s contract, but added that the school’s disciplinary action against Chuang appeared to be “disproportionate” to the deed and called on the public to give Chuang another chance.
This seems a long way from Ma’s emphasis on respecting “the administrative boundaries” by not jumping to the frontline. Maybe Ma has forgotten that Tsungyeh Elementary School falls under the jurisdiction of the Tainan County Government and that Chuang’s case falls under the authority of the school.
Presidential Office Spokesman Wang Yu-chi (王郁琦) sought to fend off criticism by saying that Ma has spoken in Chuang’s defense because the issue stemmed from Chuang’s controversial remarks implying that Ma’s late father had an affair with his goddaughter. As for Ma’s comment on Tsungyeh Elementary School, Wang said that providing for education in the nation’s remote areas was part of Ma’s campaign platform.
Maybe. But this makes it difficult to understand why Ma hasn’t spoken a word about the plummeting stock market and public complaints over their deteriorating finances despite his campaign promise that the stock market would surge to 20,000 points and that the economy would improve if he was elected.
These incidents suggest a disturbing pattern in how Ma builds his public image. While he is eager to jump to the frontline and take credit for speaking for the “underdog,” he is as quick to take cover and hide behind the Constitution when the issue appears difficult and troublesome, such as the flooding in southern Taiwan and soaring commodity prices.
It is early days, but nonetheless disturbing to see the president shirk his responsibilities when the going gets tough and choose short cuts when the political effects are to his advantage.
A few weeks ago in Kaohsiung, tech mogul turned political pundit Robert Tsao (曹興誠) joined Western Washington University professor Chen Shih-fen (陳時奮) for a public forum in support of Taiwan’s recall campaign. Kaohsiung, already the most Taiwanese independence-minded city in Taiwan, was not in need of a recall. So Chen took a different approach: He made the case that unification with China would be too expensive to work. The argument was unusual. Most of the time, we hear that Taiwan should remain free out of respect for democracy and self-determination, but cost? That is not part of the usual script, and
China has not been a top-tier issue for much of the second Trump administration. Instead, Trump has focused considerable energy on Ukraine, Israel, Iran, and defending America’s borders. At home, Trump has been busy passing an overhaul to America’s tax system, deporting unlawful immigrants, and targeting his political enemies. More recently, he has been consumed by the fallout of a political scandal involving his past relationship with a disgraced sex offender. When the administration has focused on China, there has not been a consistent throughline in its approach or its public statements. This lack of overarching narrative likely reflects a combination
Behind the gloating, the Chinese Nationalist Party (KMT) must be letting out a big sigh of relief. Its powerful party machine saved the day, but it took that much effort just to survive a challenge mounted by a humble group of active citizens, and in areas where the KMT is historically strong. On the other hand, the Democratic Progressive Party (DPP) must now realize how toxic a brand it has become to many voters. The campaigners’ amateurism is what made them feel valid and authentic, but when the DPP belatedly inserted itself into the campaign, it did more harm than good. The
For nearly eight decades, Taiwan has provided a home for, and shielded and nurtured, the Chinese Nationalist Party (KMT). After losing the Chinese Civil War in 1949, the KMT fled to Taiwan, bringing with it hundreds of thousands of soldiers, along with people who would go on to become public servants and educators. The party settled and prospered in Taiwan, and it developed and governed the nation. Taiwan gave the party a second chance. It was Taiwanese who rebuilt order from the ruins of war, through their own sweat and tears. It was Taiwanese who joined forces with democratic activists
RSS