A few of my friends and I have established an anti-Chinese Communist Party (CCP) organization.
The idea was proposed by Professor Lee Hsiao-feng (李筱峰) last year before Chinese envoy Chen Yunlin (陳雲林) visited Taiwan. We have called it the Taiwan Youth Anti-Communist Corps (台灣青年反共救國團). Aside from being ironic, the name captures our goal of focusing on Taiwanese youth.
The name is similar to the China Youth Anti-Communist National Salvation Corps (中國反共青年救國團, “China Youth Corps” for short).
That organization, however, deleted “anti-communist national salvation” from its title in 2000.
We are, therefore, two completely different groups, but it is ours that maintains the original anti-CCP spirit.
Dictator Chiang Kai-shek (蔣介石) once used the slogan “We shall defeat communism and build the nation.” I agree with this slogan.
First, the communists must be defeated before Taiwanese can secure their right to self-determination, as this is the only way we can build the nation.
What type of nation we will establish is an issue to be dealt with through democratic procedures once Taiwan’s territory has been secured.
We cannot enter into extensive arguments at this time about what type of country to establish, as this will lead us into the CCP trap of alienating Taiwanese from each other and weakening their strength in opposing the CCP.
Given Taiwan’s critical situation, opposition to the CCP is our greatest common feature. We must come together and consolidate as much power as possible to set up the broadest possible anti-CCP and anti-unification front.
President Ma Ying-jeou’s (馬英九) surrender to the CCP, his ineptitude, his close relationship to big business and distance from the ordinary person are no guarantee that those who love Taiwan will be able to throw him out of office and establish rule by the people.
This is because we get involved in too many unnecessary arguments that sap our strength.
Ma’s prestige is fading, but that of the Democratic Progressive Party is not increasing in its place.
The pan-green camp is embroiled in infighting, and the man on the street probably says that both sides in this party dispute are wrong. This has had a negative impact on the pan-green camp’s reputation and therefore benefits the KMT.
This is not to say that we shouldn’t solve the problems we face, but we must be clear about two kinds of contradiction: Within the green camp, disputes should be calmly debated without generating enemies and diminishing the power within our ranks.
In the same vein, it breaks my heart to see how competition between the pan-blue and pan-green camps has turned into a vicious struggle, because this only benefits the CCP.
Only a few people have sold out Taiwan out of personal interest, while the majority of Taiwanese, including the majority of pan-blue-camp supporters, are not benefiting from their leader’s surrender to China.
For example, issues such as the large amount of Taiwanese investment in China, Chinese students and the importing of cheap labor to compete with Taiwanese workers affect everyone, even those who lean toward the pan-blue camp.
We therefore must work harder to make them aware of these facts.
The CCP used to have a revolutionary song that went “When the East Wind blows and the drums of war sound, who will fear whom in this world?”
In recent years, there have been many reports of assassinations and beatings of police and officials.
In China, it is easy to mobilize tens of thousands of people, disseminate ideas via the Internet and gain widespread support.
To uphold social stability, the CCP has made it compulsory to install content-control software known as Green Dam Youth Escort on computers.
This will place controls on information accessible via the Web.
This shows that the Chinese public serves the CCP and not the other way around.
If the peoples of Taiwan and China can unite in opposition against the CCP, then it can be brought down.
Let us come together and call on every Taiwanese to oppose the CCP as we inaugurate this anti-communist group.
Paul Lin is a political commentator.
TRANSLATED BY DREW CAMERON
Minister of Labor Hung Sun-han (洪申翰) on April 9 said that the first group of Indian workers could arrive as early as this year as part of a memorandum of understanding (MOU) between the Taipei Economic and Cultural Center in India and the India Taipei Association. Signed in February 2024, the MOU stipulates that Taipei would decide the number of migrant workers and which industries would employ them, while New Delhi would manage recruitment and training. Employment would be governed by the laws of both countries. Months after its signing, the two sides agreed that 1,000 migrant workers from India would
In recent weeks, Taiwan has witnessed a surge of public anxiety over the possible introduction of Indian migrant workers. What began as a policy signal from the Ministry of Labor quickly escalated into a broader controversy. Petitions gathered thousands of signatures within days, political figures issued strong warnings, and social media became saturated with concerns about public safety and social stability. At first glance, this appears to be a straightforward policy question: Should Taiwan introduce Indian migrant workers or not? However, this framing is misleading. The current debate is not fundamentally about India. It is about Taiwan’s labor system, its
Japan’s imminent easing of arms export rules has sparked strong interest from Warsaw to Manila, Reuters reporting found, as US President Donald Trump wavers on security commitments to allies, and the wars in Iran and Ukraine strain US weapons supplies. Japanese Prime Minister Sanae Takaichi’s ruling party approved the changes this week as she tries to invigorate the pacifist country’s military industrial base. Her government would formally adopt the new rules as soon as this month, three Japanese government officials told Reuters. Despite largely isolating itself from global arms markets since World War II, Japan spends enough on its own
On March 31, the South Korean Ministry of Foreign Affairs released declassified diplomatic records from 1995 that drew wide domestic media attention. One revelation stood out: North Korea had once raised the possibility of diplomatic relations with Taiwan. In a meeting with visiting Chinese officials in May 1995, as then-Chinese president Jiang Zemin (江澤民) prepared for a visit to South Korea, North Korean officials objected to Beijing’s growing ties with Seoul and raised Taiwan directly. According to the newly released records, North Korean officials asked why Pyongyang should refrain from developing relations with Taiwan while China and South Korea were expanding high-level