More than 80 percent of the residents of Taiwan want this country to be a member of the UN. As both of you have recognized in the past, this country is a sovereign nation.
According to international law, the best definition of a sovereign nation appears in the Montevideo Convention on the Rights and Duties of States signed in Uruguay on Dec. 26, 1933. According to this treaty, a sovereign state has four characteristics: a permanent population; a defined territory; government; and capacity to enter into relations with other states. Taiwan clearly has all four of these characteristics. In addition, the people of Taiwan freely and democratically elect the nation's government.
This clear unity among the people of this nation in desiring to participate in the UN has been lost in partisan bickering. I urge you both to put aside partisan interests and to concentrate on national interests.
To demonstrate to the world the desire of the Taiwanese to belong to the UN, I would urge a three-point agreement that you:
* Put aside the issue of "name" and do not refer to "Taiwan" or the "Republic of China." Instead, you can refer to "this country."
* Put aside the issue of whether this country shall "join the UN" or "return to the UN." Rather, you can refer to "participating in the UN."
* Urge all voters to support both UN referendums in the March 22 election.
With both of you supporting the two referendums, it is highly likely that they will pass. This will send an important message to the world that this nation is a sovereign nation that both wants and deserves to be a member of the UN. Failing to pass the referendums would send exactly the wrong message.
Such an agreement would also go a long way toward diminishing political division in Taiwan and help to forge a new national unity.
Professor Bruce Jacobs,
Taiwan Research Unit,
Monash University
Taiwan should reject two flawed answers to the Eswatini controversy: that diplomatic allies no longer matter, or that they must be preserved at any cost. The sustainable answer is to maintain formal diplomatic relations while redesigning development relationships around transparency, local ownership and democratic accountability. President William Lai’s (賴清德) canceled trip to Eswatini has elicited two predictable reactions in Taiwan. One camp has argued that the episode proves Taiwan must double down on support for every remaining diplomatic ally, because Beijing is tightening the screws, and formal recognition is too scarce to risk. The other says the opposite: If maintaining
India’s semiconductor strategy is undergoing a quiet, but significant, recalibration. With the rollout of India Semiconductor Mission (ISM) 2.0, New Delhi is signaling a shift away from ambition-driven leaps toward a more grounded, capability-led approach rooted in industrial realities and institutional learning. Rather than attempting to enter the most advanced nodes immediately, India has chosen to prioritize mature technologies in the 28-nanometer to 65-nanometer range. That would not be a retreat, but a strategic alignment with domestic capabilities, market demand and global supply chain gaps. The shift carries the imprimatur of Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi, indicating that the recalibration is
Chinese Nationalist Party (KMT) Chairwoman Cheng Li-wun (鄭麗文), during an interview for the podcast Lanshuan Time (蘭萱時間) released on Monday, said that a US professor had said that she deserved to be nominated for the Nobel Peace Prize following her meeting earlier this month with Chinese President Xi Jinping (習近平). Cheng’s “journey of peace” has garnered attention from overseas and from within Taiwan. The latest My Formosa poll, conducted last week after the Cheng-Xi meeting, shows that Cheng’s approval rating is 31.5 percent, up 7.6 percentage points compared with the month before. The same poll showed that 44.5 percent of respondents
China last week announced that it picked two Pakistani astronauts for its Tiangong space station mission, indicating the maturation of the two nations’ relationship from terrestrial infrastructure cooperation to extraterrestrial strategic domains. For Taiwan and India, the developments present an opportunity for democratic collaboration in space, particularly regarding dual-use technologies and the normative frameworks for outer space governance. Sino-Pakistani space cooperation dates back to the end of the Cold War in the 1990s, with a cooperative agreement between the Pakistani Space & Upper Atmosphere Research Commission, and the Chinese Ministry of Aerospace Industry. Space cooperation was integrated into the China-Pakistan