On Oct. 10, 1911, a revolution began in Wuchang in Hubei Province. Several days later, about 20 provinces had declared independence. The imperial Qing government could not handle the situation, the emperor resigned, and the Republic of China was established.
We have all had to learn the history of the Xinhai Revolution, and many of us can probably recite it backwards. Many people do not realize, however, that Taiwan was not a part of China at that time. Although the Tongmenghui had the odd Taiwanese member -- Weng Chun-ming (翁俊銘), for example -- the fact is that there is only the most tenuous of ties between Taiwan and the Xinhai Revolution. Differently put, Taiwan was not part of the founding of the Republic of China.
For any Chinese Nationalist Party (KMT) supporter who remains unconvinced, try this: Why would Japan allow one of its colonies to participate in the founding of a neighboring state? If you're still not convinced, then ponder this: If Taiwan really was part of the ROC founding, then why wasn't Taiwan listed as part of the ROC's territory in the precursor to theConstitution, the "5/5 draft" which was announced by the ROC government on May 5, 1936, and finalized as the ROC Constitution on Sept. 25, 1946?
The ROC that originally did not include Taiwan collapsed in late 1949 as the result of the communist revolution. Its exile government escaped to Taiwan, a place which didn't even participate in the founding of the country but was now commandeered as ROC territory. It's not very strange that Chiang Kai-shek (
The situation that arises when a country that no longer exists brings its national title, flag, constitution and system to use in a place that wasn't even part of the founding of that state is abnormal, regardless of whether we ar talking about Taiwan or the Republic of China. This is also the reason the Democratic Progressive Party (DPP) has been discussing its "normal country" resolution.
Commenting on the resolution, however, KMT presidential candidate Ma Ying-jeou (馬英九) said that, "I don't think there's anything abnormal about the Republic of China."
But there aren't too many perished states around that have brought their national title, flag, constitution and system to a place that wasn't even part of the state's founding. So if you say there's nothing abnormal about that, then you are probably the one that is a bit abnormal.
What Taiwanese feel is a contradiction and it makes us feel awkward because when we are celebrating our national day, we are celebrating the national holiday of a perished state.
With Ma and his supporters thinking that the ROC is completely normal, they should be happy that the government -- which happens to think that the ROC is not normal -- is celebrating the ROC's national day at all. But instead, pan-blue politicians dressed up in red on last year's national day celebrations and stirred up a ruckus.
Now there are reports that they are planning the same thing again this year. With such behavior, only a fool would believe them when they profess to deeply identify with Taiwan.
Pan-blue supporters often ask pan-green politicians why they would want to be president of the ROC or ROC legislators. There's a simple reply to that: Would you prefer the old system be overturned in a violent revolution?
Lee Hsiao-feng is a professor in the Graduate School of Taiwan Culture at National Taipei University of Education.
Translated by Perry Svensson
Jan. 1 marks a decade since China repealed its one-child policy. Just 10 days before, Peng Peiyun (彭珮雲), who long oversaw the often-brutal enforcement of China’s family-planning rules, died at the age of 96, having never been held accountable for her actions. Obituaries praised Peng for being “reform-minded,” even though, in practice, she only perpetuated an utterly inhumane policy, whose consequences have barely begun to materialize. It was Vice Premier Chen Muhua (陳慕華) who first proposed the one-child policy in 1979, with the endorsement of China’s then-top leaders, Chen Yun (陳雲) and Deng Xiaoping (鄧小平), as a means of avoiding the
The immediate response in Taiwan to the extraction of Venezuelan President Nicolas Maduro by the US over the weekend was to say that it was an example of violence by a major power against a smaller nation and that, as such, it gave Chinese President Xi Jinping (習近平) carte blanche to invade Taiwan. That assessment is vastly oversimplistic and, on more sober reflection, likely incorrect. Generally speaking, there are three basic interpretations from commentators in Taiwan. The first is that the US is no longer interested in what is happening beyond its own backyard, and no longer preoccupied with regions in other
A recent piece of international news has drawn surprisingly little attention, yet it deserves far closer scrutiny. German industrial heavyweight Siemens Mobility has reportedly outmaneuvered long-entrenched Chinese competitors in Southeast Asian infrastructure to secure a strategic partnership with Vietnam’s largest private conglomerate, Vingroup. The agreement positions Siemens to participate in the construction of a high-speed rail link between Hanoi and Ha Long Bay. German media were blunt in their assessment: This was not merely a commercial win, but has symbolic significance in “reshaping geopolitical influence.” At first glance, this might look like a routine outcome of corporate bidding. However, placed in
The last foreign delegation Nicolas Maduro met before he went to bed Friday night (January 2) was led by China’s top Latin America diplomat. “I had a pleasant meeting with Qiu Xiaoqi (邱小琪), Special Envoy of President Xi Jinping (習近平),” Venezuela’s soon-to-be ex-president tweeted on Telegram, “and we reaffirmed our commitment to the strategic relationship that is progressing and strengthening in various areas for building a multipolar world of development and peace.” Judging by how minutely the Central Intelligence Agency was monitoring Maduro’s every move on Friday, President Trump himself was certainly aware of Maduro’s felicitations to his Chinese guest. Just
RSS