Iraq is a tragic problem for the US and its allies, but hopefully a temporary one. Thankfully the old USSR is gone, no matter how hard Vladimir Putin might attempt to put it together again. But another potential superpower makes many Americans uneasy: China.
China is increasingly asserting itself around the globe.
With the world's largest population, swiftly growing economy, ancient culture, and authoritarian politics, the People's Republic of China (PRC) is seen as an almost inevitable US rival. Some analysts even view war as likely.
The Council on Foreign Relations recently released a new task force report on US-China relations, filled with the usual generic recommendations: "Improving economic relations," "Enhancing security relations," "Encouraging political reform," etc. Whether there is political will on both sides of the Pacific to achieve these ends is the real issue.
Even today, any confrontation between the US and the PRC, a nuclear-armed power with regional reach, would be far different than US' wars with Serbia and Iraq. A future US-China conflict could become a global conflagration.
Moreover, a friendly PRC could help resolve a range of lesser security and political issues, such a potential nuclear North Korea. Finally, there's the potential benefit of a continuing economic relationship. Whither relations between the two nations? There's no cause for the touch of paranoia that afflicts some US policymakers. Today the US stands astride the globe as a colossus, with the world's most productive economy, dominant military, and ubiquitous culture. Equally important, the People's Republic of China is no substitute for the Soviet Union.
Uncle Sam need not follow an "anything goes" policy so long as US companies make money. But the worst strategy would be to treat the PRC as an enemy.
First, China is no longer communist in the traditional sense, with as much as two-thirds of the economy outside of government control, increasing personal autonomy, and not even a pretense of promoting world revolution. With only a hint of a smile Chinese officials spoke to me in Beijing of "socialism with Chinese characteristics." Second, international integration has helped erode China's old totalitarian state. Foreign investment and trade have given China a stake in a peaceful global order.
Third, though Shanghai, Beijing, and other leading cities should impress visitors, rural China remains a century behind. Chinese officials estimate Shanghai's per capita GDP at about US$14,000, but that of China nationally at only US$1,700.
In 2005 America's per capita GDP ran to US$42,000. Assuming recent growth rates continue -- unlikely as the Chinese economy matures -- the PRC's GDP won't surpass that of the US until 2035, and even then the US' per capita production will be four times as great.
Fourth, trade with China is largely beneficial to the US. Although disputes dominate news headlines, similar concerns emerged and ultimately disappeared regarding Japan. Today few Americans worry about Japan overtaking the US.
Fifth, the PRC isn't likely to catch up to the US militarily until mid-century at the earliest.
Beijing will be able to match the US in East Asia more quickly, but Washington's current advantage has always been artificial: the US cannot expect to forever dominate every region on earth.
Maintaining US influence will require thoughtful diplomacy and economic openness.
But Washington has the advantage of being allied with most of China's neighbors.
Of course, the PRC pessimists could be right. But treating China as an inevitable enemy and embarking upon a strategy of containment are far more likely to turn the PRC hostile.
Nor is such a policy sustainable. None of Washington's friends in East Asia want to turn themselves into a target of China. Engaging in economic war makes no more sense. Maybe such a policy would hurt the PRC more than the US, but it would be mutually destructive in any case.
Perhaps most important, the US should put its own house in order. Washington should push freer trade throughout Asia, develop a cooperative strategy towards China with allied states, and improve its international image.
The US also should improve its economic competitiveness.
China today is more free, more prosperous, and more responsible than China only a few years ago. There still is reason for the US to be watchful and wary about Beijing's policies.
But the US is acting from a position of strength, and should confidently engage, rather than timidly isolate, what is likely to be the world's next great power.
The benefits of cementing a mutually constructive relationship in the coming decades would be enormous.
Doug Bandow is vice president of Citizen Outreach and the Cobden Fellow in International Economics at IPI.
US President Donald Trump and Chinese President Xi Jinping (習近平) were born under the sign of Gemini. Geminis are known for their intelligence, creativity, adaptability and flexibility. It is unlikely, then, that the trade conflict between the US and China would escalate into a catastrophic collision. It is more probable that both sides would seek a way to de-escalate, paving the way for a Trump-Xi summit that allows the global economy some breathing room. Practically speaking, China and the US have vulnerabilities, and a prolonged trade war would be damaging for both. In the US, the electoral system means that public opinion
In their recent op-ed “Trump Should Rein In Taiwan” in Foreign Policy magazine, Christopher Chivvis and Stephen Wertheim argued that the US should pressure President William Lai (賴清德) to “tone it down” to de-escalate tensions in the Taiwan Strait — as if Taiwan’s words are more of a threat to peace than Beijing’s actions. It is an old argument dressed up in new concern: that Washington must rein in Taipei to avoid war. However, this narrative gets it backward. Taiwan is not the problem; China is. Calls for a so-called “grand bargain” with Beijing — where the US pressures Taiwan into concessions
The term “assassin’s mace” originates from Chinese folklore, describing a concealed weapon used by a weaker hero to defeat a stronger adversary with an unexpected strike. In more general military parlance, the concept refers to an asymmetric capability that targets a critical vulnerability of an adversary. China has found its modern equivalent of the assassin’s mace with its high-altitude electromagnetic pulse (HEMP) weapons, which are nuclear warheads detonated at a high altitude, emitting intense electromagnetic radiation capable of disabling and destroying electronics. An assassin’s mace weapon possesses two essential characteristics: strategic surprise and the ability to neutralize a core dependency.
Chinese President and Chinese Communist Party (CCP) Chairman Xi Jinping (習近平) said in a politburo speech late last month that his party must protect the “bottom line” to prevent systemic threats. The tone of his address was grave, revealing deep anxieties about China’s current state of affairs. Essentially, what he worries most about is systemic threats to China’s normal development as a country. The US-China trade war has turned white hot: China’s export orders have plummeted, Chinese firms and enterprises are shutting up shop, and local debt risks are mounting daily, causing China’s economy to flag externally and hemorrhage internally. China’s