Global trade talks opening in Hong Kong next week will seriously test the credibility of the WTO and Pascal Lamy, its director-general.
Expectations for the Dec. 13-18 ministerial meeting have been radically scaled down, reflecting lack of progress in the so-called Doha round of trade negotiations launched in the capital of Qatar in November 2001.
Instead of meeting key deadlines that were set in Doha for opening up world trade, the WTO's 148 members have spent the last four years squabbling over removing tariffs, eliminating quotas and ending farming subsidies.
With divergences persisting, Lamy admits that ministers in Hong Kong will not even try to reach agreement on concrete figures for slashing farm duties and industrial tariffs.
The focus instead will be on trying to break the current negotiating deadlock and getting discussions back on track, he told trade reporters in Brussels recently.
Playing the blame game is dangerous, Lamy warned, adding that instead of pointing accusing fingers at each other, WTO members must start working together to push for free trade.
Replacing confrontation with cooperation will not be easy.
The run-up to the Hong Kong meeting has been marked by increasingly acrimonious exchanges between the EU, the US and developing nations, with each accusing the other of not doing enough in the interest of free trade.
The EU is in the firing line over its offer on agriculture, which the US and Brazil as well as other developing countries say is totally inadequate.
The EU and the US are pressing developing countries to reduce their industrial tariffs and to start opening up their protected services sector.
Least-developed states, meanwhile, have complained that their trading interests are being ignored -- although the current Doha negotiations are supposed to put development first.
Lamy faces an "impossible challenge" as he struggles to reconcile these conflicting interests, says Jean-Pierre Lehmann, professor for international political economy at the International Institute for Management Development in Lausanne, Switzerland.
"Short of a miracle, the chances of anything of substance emerging from Hong Kong are very remote," Lehmann said.
All countries participating in the Doha round have offensive and defensive trading interests. In other words, most engage in a delicate balancing act which requires that they try to trade off access to their own markets by winning entry into the markets of other nations.
For a negotiation to succeed, all sides need to see some gains which they can sell to their respective governments and public.
Putting together all the pieces in this vast WTO jigsaw puzzle of free trade is not easy, Lamy admits.
But being WTO director-general does not mean he can order the organization's members around, he says. All he can do is facilitate discussions and encourage compromises between negotiators.
"It is like being an arbiter, a navigator or even a midwife," Lamy insists.
The stakes for Hong Kong are high. A repetition of the failed WTO meeting in Cancun two years ago could permanently dent the credibility of the multilateral trading system, Lehmann warns.
World business leaders, tired of waiting for progress on the global level, will press their governments to clinch bilateral trade agreements, he says.
The "big danger" if that happens is that discrimination rather than fair treatment for all will become the name of the game, he warns.
While China, India, Brazil and other emerging economies may benefit from the quest for bilateral deals, such a prospect is bad news for poor nations which will be left out of the race.
As recent US and EU efforts to clinch voluntary restraint agreements with China on textiles and footwear illustrate, a resurgence of worldwide protectionism is also possible.
"The serious concern is that in the long-term the WTO could become impotent and irrelevant," Lehmann warns.
Lamy's reputation is also at stake.
The former EU trade chief -- who took over as head of the WTO in September -- has won accolades in Geneva for quickly switching hats and espousing his new role as honest world trade with great enthusiasm.
A breakdown in Hong Kong could cast a shadow over Lamy's next four years in the world trade hot seat. It will also make it difficult to complete the Doha negotiations next year.
Taking the talks into 2007, however, is extremely risky.
For one, the fast-track authority on trade given by Congress to US President George W. Bush is due to expire in mid-2007.
Equally importantly, French presidential elections in 2007 are expected to make it even more difficult for Paris to agree to additional concessions in farm trade.
A response to my article (“Invite ‘will-bes,’ not has-beens,” Aug. 12, page 8) mischaracterizes my arguments, as well as a speech by former British prime minister Boris Johnson at the Ketagalan Forum in Taipei early last month. Tseng Yueh-ying (曾月英) in the response (“A misreading of Johnson’s speech,” Aug. 24, page 8) does not dispute that Johnson referred repeatedly to Taiwan as “a segment of the Chinese population,” but asserts that the phrase challenged Beijing by questioning whether parts of “the Chinese population” could be “differently Chinese.” This is essentially a confirmation of Beijing’s “one country, two systems” formulation, which says that
Media said that several pan-blue figures — among them former Chinese Nationalist Party (KMT) chairwoman Hung Hsiu-chu (洪秀柱), former KMT legislator Lee De-wei (李德維), former KMT Central Committee member Vincent Hsu (徐正文), New Party Chairman Wu Cheng-tien (吳成典), former New Party legislator Chou chuan (周荃) and New Party Deputy Secretary-General You Chih-pin (游智彬) — yesterday attended the Chinese Communist Party’s (CCP) military parade commemorating the 80th anniversary of the end of World War II. China’s Xinhua news agency reported that foreign leaders were present alongside Chinese President Xi Jinping (習近平), such as Russian President Vladimir Putin, North Korean leader Kim
Taiwan stands at the epicenter of a seismic shift that will determine the Indo-Pacific’s future security architecture. Whether deterrence prevails or collapses will reverberate far beyond the Taiwan Strait, fundamentally reshaping global power dynamics. The stakes could not be higher. Today, Taipei confronts an unprecedented convergence of threats from an increasingly muscular China that has intensified its multidimensional pressure campaign. Beijing’s strategy is comprehensive: military intimidation, diplomatic isolation, economic coercion, and sophisticated influence operations designed to fracture Taiwan’s democratic society from within. This challenge is magnified by Taiwan’s internal political divisions, which extend to fundamental questions about the island’s identity and future
Taiwan People’s Party (TPP) Chairman Huang Kuo-chang (黃國昌) is expected to be summoned by the Taipei City Police Department after a rally in Taipei on Saturday last week resulted in injuries to eight police officers. The Ministry of the Interior on Sunday said that police had collected evidence of obstruction of public officials and coercion by an estimated 1,000 “disorderly” demonstrators. The rally — led by Huang to mark one year since a raid by Taipei prosecutors on then-TPP chairman and former Taipei mayor Ko Wen-je (柯文哲) — might have contravened the Assembly and Parade Act (集會遊行法), as the organizers had