During the DPP's Ninth National Congress meeting, President Chen Shui-bian (
At the present time, the DPP has executive power, but it is severely constrained by its lack of legislative power. The DPP has faced frequent and deliberate opposition boycotts. Many policy proposals have therefore become the focus of battles of words between the parties. Bills have often either been approved in a peremptory manner or viciously voted down out of rage. The national budgets were reduced in an irrational manner. All these, together, have become obstacles to policy implemen
tation.
Chen and DPP members therefore hope that the DPP will have an opportunity to lead the legislature, thereby facilitating the implementation of its policies. The DPP is not, however, in a position to win a legislative majority. That is why the president proposes cross-party alliances. Others have gone as far as to call for a joint Cabinet.
While a joint Cabinet is certainly one option to be considered, it is not the only option. In fact as a DPP member or supporter, one should not even broach the subject at this stage. I believe the president simply hopes that the DPP will strengthen cooperation with non-DPP groups. These could include any party. It doesn't matter who takes charge; cooperation is to be encouraged if it helps policy implementation, brings back rationality, and involves individuals holding the same ideals. As for whether the cooperation is to take the form of a joint Cabinet or to remain simply at the inter-party level, that depends. It is not something to be decided in advance.
Inside the DPP, a joint Cabinet remains merely a topic of discussion. Some people outside the party, however, have begun talking about the pre-conditions for a joint Cabinet, and speculating that the DPP's motive is to divide the opposition, when in fact placing too much emphasis on a joint Cabinet will not help the DPP.
One problem with just talk is that voters may think it indicates a lack of confidence on the part of the DPP in its ability to perform well in the elections. Secondly, it would cause DPP members to lose faith in the party. In the end, the DPP would become unable to distinguish itself from other political parties. One-sided wishful thinking by the DPP about a joint Cabinet, therefore, would create a crisis. We should not underestimate the potential damage.
A joint Cabinet can become a reality only when all the parties involved agree on it. The parties have talked about a reconciliation for a long time, yet the standoff remains. No one trusts one another. No one is willing to take a back seat. It is too early, therefore, to even begin talking about a joint Cabinet. Attempts to put together a joint Cabinet right now will only create unnecessary political instability and generate more suspicion among the parties. It is okay to treat the issue as a topic of leisurely discussion, and an option in the future reorganization of the Cabinet.
As for different issue-specific alliances among the parties, we should learn to perceive them as the norm. Last year's presidential election took place in a backdrop with such alliances. If we become too serious about a joint Cabinet, the greater the expectation, the greater the disappointment. It will facilitate neither the government's ability to implement policy nor any reconciliation between the parties.
Yen Chin-fu is a DPP lawmaker.
President William Lai (賴清德) attended a dinner held by the American Israel Public Affairs Committee (AIPAC) when representatives from the group visited Taiwan in October. In a speech at the event, Lai highlighted similarities in the geopolitical challenges faced by Israel and Taiwan, saying that the two countries “stand on the front line against authoritarianism.” Lai noted how Taiwan had “immediately condemned” the Oct. 7, 2023, attack on Israel by Hamas and had provided humanitarian aid. Lai was heavily criticized from some quarters for standing with AIPAC and Israel. On Nov. 4, the Taipei Times published an opinion article (“Speak out on the
Eighty-seven percent of Taiwan’s energy supply this year came from burning fossil fuels, with more than 47 percent of that from gas-fired power generation. The figures attracted international attention since they were in October published in a Reuters report, which highlighted the fragility and structural challenges of Taiwan’s energy sector, accumulated through long-standing policy choices. The nation’s overreliance on natural gas is proving unstable and inadequate. The rising use of natural gas does not project an image of a Taiwan committed to a green energy transition; rather, it seems that Taiwan is attempting to patch up structural gaps in lieu of
News about expanding security cooperation between Israel and Taiwan, including the visits of Deputy Minister of National Defense Po Horng-huei (柏鴻輝) in September and Deputy Minister of Foreign Affairs Francois Wu (吳志中) this month, as well as growing ties in areas such as missile defense and cybersecurity, should not be viewed as isolated events. The emphasis on missile defense, including Taiwan’s newly introduced T-Dome project, is simply the most visible sign of a deeper trend that has been taking shape quietly over the past two to three years. Taipei is seeking to expand security and defense cooperation with Israel, something officials
“Can you tell me where the time and motivation will come from to get students to improve their English proficiency in four years of university?” The teacher’s question — not accusatory, just slightly exasperated — was directed at the panelists at the end of a recent conference on English language learning at Taiwanese universities. Perhaps thankfully for the professors on stage, her question was too big for the five minutes remaining. However, it hung over the venue like an ominous cloud on an otherwise sunny-skies day of research into English as a medium of instruction and the government’s Bilingual Nation 2030
RSS