Executive Yuan Minister Chen Chien-min (
Article 81 of the Constitution reads as follows: "Judges should hold office for life. No judge shall be removed from office unless he has been found guilty of a criminal offense or subjected to disciplinary measure or declared to be under interdiction. No judge shall, except in accordance with law, be suspended or transferred or have his salary reduced."
However, under the prolonged political rule and monopolization of power by the KMT, the significance underlying the constitutional guarantee of judges' life-long tenure has been long overlooked. In fact, the office of "judge" has long been seen by many as a stepping stone into a political career. Judges who are interested in becoming politicians keep their eyes open for "golden opportunities" to curry favor with those in power, even as they sit in their chambers.
From the standpoint of a constitutional separation of power between the executive, judicial, and legislative branches, this type of behavior needs to be corrected. Some judges' fascination with a career in politics is seemingly more important than their work in the judiciary. This explains their inability to shirk political interference.
Government administrators who once served as judges have abandoned their supposedly "beloved" judicial offices without looking back when faced with calls by those in power. Now that the KMT has been defeated in the election, their passion for "judicial reform" has suddenly been revived.
This change of attitude is simply too abrupt and the judiciary has good reasons to take a cautious stance so that government administrators who have become jobless as a result of the KMT's defeat do not treat the judiciary as a bomb shelter against political storms. They should not treat positions within the judiciary as a political panacea.
Perhaps the rotation of political parties could bring about a new beginning for the judiciary and help it establish an impartial image. This is the only way that judges and prosecutors can learn to appreciate the significance of a life-tenure system under which they have no need to conform with the values of political power.
Both Shou Chi-yang (
Actually, severing the umbilical cord between law and politics isn't all that difficult. Former commissioner of the Provincial Council Hsieh Chin-ting (
The judicial system has long-striven for progress in terms of separating judicial and political power. Hopefully, the judiciary will never ever again take the back road.
The times are changing, the tide is changing as well and beliefs, therefore, must also change. Of course, judges can still choose to become politicians. However, they must be held responsible for their choices.
Chang Sheng-hsin is a judge in the Taichung district court.
Taiwan stands at the epicenter of a seismic shift that will determine the Indo-Pacific’s future security architecture. Whether deterrence prevails or collapses will reverberate far beyond the Taiwan Strait, fundamentally reshaping global power dynamics. The stakes could not be higher. Today, Taipei confronts an unprecedented convergence of threats from an increasingly muscular China that has intensified its multidimensional pressure campaign. Beijing’s strategy is comprehensive: military intimidation, diplomatic isolation, economic coercion, and sophisticated influence operations designed to fracture Taiwan’s democratic society from within. This challenge is magnified by Taiwan’s internal political divisions, which extend to fundamental questions about the island’s identity and future
Taiwan People’s Party (TPP) Chairman Huang Kuo-chang (黃國昌) is expected to be summoned by the Taipei City Police Department after a rally in Taipei on Saturday last week resulted in injuries to eight police officers. The Ministry of the Interior on Sunday said that police had collected evidence of obstruction of public officials and coercion by an estimated 1,000 “disorderly” demonstrators. The rally — led by Huang to mark one year since a raid by Taipei prosecutors on then-TPP chairman and former Taipei mayor Ko Wen-je (柯文哲) — might have contravened the Assembly and Parade Act (集會遊行法), as the organizers had
The narrative surrounding Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi’s attendance at last week’s Shanghai Cooperation Organization (SCO) summit — where he held hands with Russian President Vladimir Putin and chatted amiably with Chinese President Xi Jinping (習近平) — was widely framed as a signal of Modi distancing himself from the US and edging closer to regional autocrats. It was depicted as Modi reacting to the levying of high US tariffs, burying the hatchet over border disputes with China, and heralding less engagement with the Quadrilateral Security dialogue (Quad) composed of the US, India, Japan and Australia. With Modi in China for the
The Chinese Nationalist Party (KMT) has postponed its chairperson candidate registration for two weeks, and so far, nine people have announced their intention to run for chairperson, the most on record, with more expected to announce their campaign in the final days. On the evening of Aug. 23, shortly after seven KMT lawmakers survived recall votes, KMT Chairman Eric Chu (朱立倫) announced he would step down and urged Taichung Mayor Lu Shiow-yen (盧秀燕) to step in and lead the party back to power. Lu immediately ruled herself out the following day, leaving the subject in question. In the days that followed, several
RSS